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Showing papers on "Social movement published in 2004"


Book
09 Aug 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors define political ecology as "the critique of political ecology" and "political ecology as equity and sustainability research." The authors propose a set of assumptions and modes of explanation for political ecology.
Abstract: List of Figures.List of Tables.List of Boxes.Introduction.The Goals of the Text.The Rest of the Book.Many Acknowledgments.Part I: What is Political Ecology?.1. The Hatchet and the Seed:.What is Political Ecology?.Challenging Apolitical Ecologies.Ecoscarcity and the Limits to Growth.Other Apolitical Ecologies: Diffusion, Valuation, and Modernization.Common assumptions and modes of explanation.The Hatchet: Political Ecology as Critique.The Seed: Political Ecology as Equity and Sustainability Research.The Dominant Narratives of Political Ecology.Big Questions and Theses.The Degradation and Marginalization Thesis.The Environmental Conflict Thesis.The Conservation and Control Thesis.The Environmental Agency and Social Movement Thesis.The Target of Explanation.2. A Tree with Deep Roots:.The Determinist Context.A Political Ecological Alternative.The Building Blocks.Critical Approaches in Early Human/Environment Research.Continental Critique: Humboldt, Reclus, Wallace, and Sommerville.Critical Environmental Pragmatism.From Sewer Socialism to Mitigating Floods: Hazards Research.The Nature of Society: Cultural Ecology.Historicism, Landscape, and Culture: Carl Sauer.Julian Steward: A Positivist Alternative.System, Function, and Human Life: Mature Cultural Ecology.Beyond Land and Water: The Boundaries of Cultural Ecology.The Limits of Progressive Contextualization.Taking the Plunge.3. The Critical Tools:.Common Property Theory.Green Materialism.Materialist History.The Case of Oriental Despotism.Dependency, Accumulation, and Degradation.Lessons from Materialism: Broadly Defined Political Economy.The Producer is the Agent of History: Peasant Studies.Chayanov and the Rational Producer.Scott and the Moral Economy.Gramsci and Peasant Power.Breaking Open the Household: Feminist Development Studies.Critical Environmental History.Whose History & Science? Postcolonial Studies and Power/Knowledge.Power/Knowledge.Critical Science, Deconstruction, and Ethics.Political Ecology Emergent.4. A Field Crystallizes:.Chains of Explanation.Peanuts and Poverty in Niger.Marginalization.The "Silent Violence" of Famine in Nigeria.Broadly Defined Political Economy.Struggle in Cote D'Ivoire's Fields and Pastures.25 Years Later.Part II: Conceptual and Methodological Challenges:.5. Destruction of Nature - Human Impact and Environmental Degradation:.The Focus on Human Impact.Defining and Measuring Degradation.Loss of Natural Productivity.Loss of Biodiversity.Loss of Usefulness.Socio-Environmental Destruction: Creating or Shifting Risk Ecology.Limits of Land Degradation: Variability, Disturbance, and Recovery.What Baseline? Non-Human Disturbance and Variability of Ecological Systems.What Impact? Variable Response to Disturbance.Can We Go Back? Variable Recovery from Disturbance.Methodological Imperatives in Political Analysis of Environmental Destruction.6. Construction of Nature: Environmental Knowledges and Imaginaries:.Why Bother to Argue That Nature (or Forests or Land Degradation...) is Constructed?.Choosing Targets for Political Ecological Constructivism.Three Debates and Motivations.Hard and Soft Constructivism."Radical" Constructivism."Soft" Constructivism.Constructivist Claims in Political Ecology."Barstool" Biologists and "Hysterical" Housewives: The Peculiar Case of Local Environmental Knowledge.Eliciting Environmental Construction.Talk and Text: Construction in Discourse.Categories and Taxonomies.Spatial Knowledge and Construction.Narratives of Ecological Process and Change.Genealogies of Representation: Environmental History.Methodological Issues in Political Analysis of Environmental Construction.Part III: Political Ecology Now:.7. Degradation and Marginalization:.The Argument.Degradation and Reversibility.Accumulation and Declining Margins.The Evidence.Amazonian Deforestation.Contract Agriculture in the Caribbean.Evaluating the Thesis.Research Example: Common Property Disorders in Rajasthan.Eliciting Rules of Use.Recording Environmental Practices and Response to Authority.Determining Ecological Outcomes.8. Conservation and Control:.The Argument.Coercion, Governmentality, and Internalization of State Rule.Disintegration of Moral Economy.The Constructed Character of Natural Wilderness.Territorialization of Conservation Space.The Evidence.New England Fisheries Conservation.Fire in Madagascar.Social Forestry Conservation in Southeast Asia.The Consistency of Colonial and Contemporary Forestry.The Limits of Social Reform in Forestry.Evaluating the Thesis.Riven Bureaucracies and Efficacious Species.Alternative Conservation?.Research Example: The Biogeography of Power in the Aravalli.A Classic Case of Conservation and Control?.Establishing historical patterns of access.Understanding contemporary land uses and enclosure impacts.Tracking unintended consequences.9. Environmental Conflict:.The Argument.Social structure as differential environmental access and responsibility.Property institutions as politically partial constructions.Environmental development and classed, gendered, raced imaginaries.The Evidence.Agricultural Development in Gambia.Gambia and the Gendered Land/Labor Nexus.Land Conflict in the US West.Evaluating the Thesis.Stock Characters and Standard Scripts.Research Example: Gendered Landscapes and Resource Bottlenecks in the Thar.Determining Differential Land Uses and Rights.Tracking Changes in Availability.Evaluating Divergent Impacts.10. Environmental Identity and Movement:.The Argument.Differential Risk and Ecological Injustice.Moral Economies and Peasant Resistance.Postcolonialism and Rewriting Ecology from the Margins.The Evidence.Andean Livelihood Movements.Modernization and Identity.Hijacking Chipko: Trees, Gender, Livelihood, and Essentialism in India.Women's Movement or Peasant Movement?.Evaluating the Thesis.Making Politics by Making a Living.The risk of primitive romances and essentialisms.The reality of dissent.In the Field: Pastoral Polities in Rajasthan.Agrarian Alliances and Traditional Technology as Resistance.Ambivalence, Research, and Ethics.Part IV: Where to Now?.11. Where to Now?."Against Political Ecology"?.Too Much Theory or Too Little?.Denunciations versus Asymmetries.Three Calls for Symmetry.From Destruction to Production.From Peasants to Producers.From Chains to Networks.The Hybridity Thesis.Political Ecologies of Success.New Substantive Research Mandates.Population Is Too Important to be Left to the Malthusians.Genetic Modification Won't Go Away.Cities are Political Ecologies.Against "Against Political Ecology": Retaining Both Theory and Surprise.In the Meantime...References.Index

1,887 citations


Book
27 Aug 2004
TL;DR: The history of world-systems analysis can be traced back to the early 19th century as mentioned in this paper, when the modern world system as a capitalist world-economy: production, surplus value, and polarization.
Abstract: Acknowledgments vii To Start: Understanding the World in Which We Live ix 1. Historical Origins of World-Systems Analysis: From Social Science Disciplines to Historical Social Sciences 1 2. The Modern World-System as a Capitalist World-Economy: Production, Surplus-Value, and Polarization 23 3. The Rise of the States-System: Sovereign Nation-States, Colonies, and the Interstate System 41 4. The Creation of a Geoculture: Ideologies, Social Movements, Social Science 60 5. The Modern World-System in Crisis: Bifurcation, Chaos, and Choices 76 Glossary 91 Bibliographical Guide 101 Index 105

1,245 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the environmental justice demanded by global environmental justice is really threefold: equity in the distribution of environmental risk, recognition of the diversity of the participants and experiences in affected communities, and participation in the political processes which create and manage environmental policy.
Abstract: While calls for ‘environmental justice’ have grown recently, very little attention has been paid to exactly what the ‘justice’ of environmental justice refers to, particularly in the realm of social movement demands. Most understandings of environmental justice refer to the issue of equity, or the distribution of environmental ills and benefits. But defining environmental justice as equity is incomplete, as activists, communities, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) call for much more than just distribution. This essay examines how definitions beyond the distributive in these movements can help us develop conceptions of global environmental justice. The argument is that the justice demanded by global environmental justice is really threefold: equity in the distribution of environmental risk, recognition of the diversity of the participants and experiences in affected communities, and participation in the political processes which create and manage environmental policy. The existence of three differe...

919 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, consumer movements that seek ideological and cultural change are studied among anti-advertising, anti-Nike, and anti-GE food activists based on New Social Movement (NSM) theory.
Abstract: This article focuses on consumer movements that seek ideological and cultural change. Building from a basis in New Social Movement (NSM) theory, we study these movements among anti‐advertising, anti‐Nike, and anti‐GE food activists. We find activists’ collective identity linked to an evangelical identity related to U.S. activism’s religious roots. Our findings elucidate the value of spiritual and religious identities to gaining commitment, warn of the perils of preaching to the unconverted, and highlight movements that seek to transform the ideology and culture of consumerism. Conceiving mainstream consumers as ideological opponents inverts conventional NSM theories that view them as activists’ clients.

850 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Dec 2004

793 citations


Book
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, Tilly provides rich and often surprising insights into the origins of contemporary social movement practices, relations of social movements to democratization, and likely futures for social movements.
Abstract: Westerners invented social movements during the 18th century, but after that social movements became vehicles of popular politics across the world. By locating social movements in history, prize-winning social scientist Charles Tilly provides rich and often surprising insights into the origins of contemporary social movement practices, relations of social movements to democratization, and likely futures for social movements.

788 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that framing research needs to be linked to the political and social questions regarding power central to the media hegemony thesis, and illustrate this focus by exploring how framing research can contribute to an understanding of the interaction between social movements and the news media.
Abstract: This article provides a critique of recent developments in research examining media frames and their influence. We contend that a number of trends in framing research have neglected the relationship between media frames and broader issues of political and social power. This neglect is a product of a number of factors, including conceptual problems in the definition of frames, the inattention to frames sponsorship, the failure to examine framing contests within wider political and social contexts, and the reduction of framing to a form of media effects. We conclude that framing research needs to be linked to the political and social questions regarding power central to the media hegemony thesis, and illustrate this focus by exploring how framing research can contribute to an understanding of the interaction between social movements and the news media. Examinations of the production, character, and influence of news stories represent an enduring focus of media scholarship. A variety of approaches, including gatekeeping, agenda setting, organizational studies of news work, and analyses of news bias, have explored either the gathering of news or journalism’s political role. In recent decades, a rapidly expanding research literature on news frames has sought to provide a comprehensive perspective on the production, reception, and influence of news texts. This article provides a critique of recent developments in research examining media frames and their influence. We contend that a number of trends in framing research have neglected the relationship between media frames and broader issues of political and social power. This neglect is a product of conceptual problems in the definition of frames, the inattention to frame sponsorship, the failure to examine framing contests within wider political and social contexts, and the reduction of framing to a form of media effects. In keeping with early sociological research on framing (Gitlin, 1980; Tuchman, 1978), we suggest that framing processes need to be examined within the contexts of the distribution of political and social power. We, therefore, call for the integration of framing research with the

682 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: The role of the Internet in shaping the anti-globalisation movement is discussed in this article, where the authors present a study of the use of the internet by women's organizations in the Netherlands.
Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. New Media, Citizenship and Social Movements Part One: Changing the levels and the domains of political action 3. Gobal-protesters: Virtual or Real? The Role of the Internet in Shaping the Anti-globalisation Movement 4. Is the Market the New Battle Ground for Political Campaigning? Part two: Changing strategies and stratagems: action and activism in the information age 6. Meta-movements: New Technologies and New Forms of Coalition, Co-operation and Co-ordination in the Social Movement 'Industry' 7. "'Times are Changing': Media Strategies of Protest Groups since the 1960s" 8. The Internet, Global Mobilization, and Movement Message Frames: Organizational Similarities and Communicational Differences between Protest Events and Issue Campaigns The activists in between: New Media, Social Movements and Change 9. The Activists in Between: New Media, Social Movements and Change 10. Social Movements and the Media. September 1999, from Portugal to East-Timor 11. The Expert Always Knows Best? ATTAC's Use of the Internet as a Tool to Facilitate New Virtual Forms of Protest 12. Tales from Italy Part Three: Citizenship, Identity, and Virtual Movements 13. Citizenship, Democracy and New States of Welfare 14. The Woman's Movement Online: A Study into the Uses of Internet by Women's Organizations in the Netherlands 15. The Grey Panthers wants Political Influence - Democratic Effects of Utilising ICTs 16. Disembodied Citizenship? Re-@ccessing Disabled People's Voices in Portugal 17. Conclusion

508 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The increasing realisation that there are modern problems for which there are no modern solutions points towards the need to move beyond the paradigm of modernity and, hence, beyond the Third World.
Abstract: The increasing realisation that there are modern problems for which there are no modern solutions points towards the need to move beyond the paradigm of modernity and, hence, beyond the Third World. Imagining after the Third World takes place against the backdrop of two major processes: first, the rise of a new US-based form of imperial globality, an economic–military– ideological order that subordinates regions, peoples and economies world-wide. Imperial globality has its underside in what could be called, following a group of Latin American researchers, global coloniality, meaning by this the heightened marginalisation and suppression of the knowledge and culture of subaltern groups. The second social process is the emergence of self-organising social movement networks, which operate under a new logic, fostering forms of counter-hegemonic globalisation. It is argued that, to the extent that they engage with the politics of difference, particularly through place-based yet transnationalised political stra...

491 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Various elements of social movement theory are employed to offer an approach to understanding embodied health movements, and a capsule example of one such movement is provided, the environmental breast cancer movement.
Abstract: Social movements organised around health-related issues have been studied for almost as long as they have existed, yet social movement theory has not yet been applied to these movements. Health social movements (HSMs) are centrally organised around health, and address: (a) access to or provision of health care services; (b) health inequality and inequity based on race, ethnicity, gender, class and/or sexuality; and/or (c) disease, illness experience, disability and contested illness. HSMs can be subdivided into three categories: health access movements seek equitable access to health care and improved provision of health care services; constituency-based health movements address health inequality and health inequity based on race, ethnicity, gender, class and/or sexuality differences; and embodied health movements (EHMs) address disease, disability or illness experience by challenging science on etiology, diagnosis, treatment and prevention. These groups address disproportionate outcomes and oversight by the scientific community and/or weak science. This article focuses on embodied health movements, primarily in the US. These are unique in three ways: 1) they introduce the biological body to social movements, especially with regard to the embodied experience of people with the disease; 2) they typically include challenges to existing medical/scientific knowledge and practice; and 3) they often involve activists collaborating with scientists and health professionals in pursuing treatment, prevention, research and expanded funding. This article employs various elements of social movement theory to offer an approach to understanding embodied health movements, and provides a capsule example of one such movement, the environmental breast cancer movement.

486 citations


Book
26 Jul 2004
TL;DR: This book discusses Transnational Processes and Social Activism, "Globalization," Complex Internationalism, and Transnational Contention, and the Two Eras of Transnational Activism.
Abstract: Chapter 1 Transnational Processes and Social Activism: An Introduction Part 2 I Transnationalism from the Inside Chapter 3 A Limited Transnationalization? The British Environmental Movement Chapter 4 Cities in the World: Local Civil Society and Global Issues in Britain Part 5 II Diffusion and Scale Shift Chapter 6 The Sequencing of Transnational and National Social Movement Mobilization: The Organizational Mobilization of the Global and US Environmental Movements Chapter 7 The Impact of Transnational Protest on Social Movement Organizations: Mass Media and the Making of ATTAC Germany Chapter 8 Scale Shift in Transnational Contention Part 9 III Internationalization Chapter 10 Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance and the Insider-Outsider Coalition Chapter 11 Multiple Belongings, Tolerant Identities, and the Construction of "Another Politics": Between the European Social Forum and the Local Social Fora Chapter 12 Social Movements beyond Borders: Understanding Two Eras of Transnational Activism Chapter 13 Conclusion: "Globalization," Complex Internationalism, and Transnational Contention Chapter 14 Appendix A: Organizational Consolidation Chapter 15 Appendix B: Repertoires of Action

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the decisive part of interaction between social movements and political authorities is not the direct, physical confrontation between them in concrete locations, but the indirect, mediated encounters among contenders in the arena of the mass media public sphere.
Abstract: This article argues that the decisive part of the interaction between social movements and political authorities is no longer the direct, physical confrontation between them in concrete locations, but the indirect, mediated encounters among contenders in the arena of the mass media public sphere. Authorities react to social movement activities if and as they are depicted in the mass media, and conversely movement activists become aware of political opportunities and constraints through the reactions (or non-reactions) that their actions provoke in the public sphere. The dynamics of this mediated interaction among political contenders can be analyzed as an evolutionary process. Of the great variety of attempts to mobilize public attention, only a few can be accommodated in the bounded media space. Three selection mechanisms–labelled here as “discursive opportunities”– can be identified that affect the diffusion chances of contentious messages: visibility (the extent to which a message is covered by the mass media), resonance (the extent to which others – allies, opponents, authorities, etc.–react to a message), and legitimacy (the degree to which such reactions are supportive). The argument is empirically illustrated by showing how the strategic repertoire of the German radical right evolved over the course of the 1990s as a result of the differential reactions that various strategies encountered in the mass media arena.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Feb 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present several strategic dilemmas that organizers and participants face, either explicitly as choices or implicitly as tradeoffs, in social movements, which represent agency in contrast to the structure that has interested scholars for so long.
Abstract: In theories of social movements, the structural models of the last thirty years may have reached the limits of their utility. Future breakthroughs are likely to arise from attention to the microfoundations of political action. The study of strategic choices may be one fruitful new path of research, especially if sociologists can develop an approach to strategy that takes cultural and institutional contexts more seriously than game theory, which has long dominated the study of strategy. As a starting point, I present several strategic dilemmas that organizers and participants face, either explicitly as choices or implicitly as tradeoffs. These choices represent agency in contrast to the structure that has interested scholars for so long. By portraying strategic players as audiences for words and actions, they are also thoroughly cultural. If we can begin to explain the choices faced and the choices made, we will go a long way toward opening up the study of social movements to strategic factors mostly ignor...

Book
04 Oct 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the current agrifood system must be altered on three levels: environmental, social, and economic, echoing John Ikerd's contention that sustainable agriculture must be environmentally compatible, socially supportive, and commercially competitive.
Abstract: Together at the Table explores alternative food movements within the context of broader social movements. Patricia Allen, at the Center for Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems at the University of California–Santa Cruz, argues that alternative food movements have emerged because of an “increased knowledge of the agrifood system and an increased understanding that the system can be changed” (p.1). To make this argument, Allen focuses on agriculture in California and the United States because of their dominance in the world market. Allen begins with the assumption that our current agrifood system is not sustainable and that it cannot meet global food security needs. In order to “achieve ecological soundness and social justice” (p.16), the current agrifood system must be altered on three levels: environmental, social, and economic—echoing John Ikerd’s contention that sustainable agriculture must be “environmentally compatible, socially supportive, and commercially competitive.”1 Allen further contends that these changes take place inside the farm gate and beyond—paralleling Thomas Lyson’s suggestion that we shift from the current industrial agriculture paradigm and adopt a “civic agriculture” that better links farms and communities.2 Chapter two, “Perspectives on Alternative Food Movements,” effectively draws linkages between seemingly disparate social movements based on women’s suffrage, the environment, and alternative food. Allen also establishes that alternative food movements tend to be against capitalism and the disparities that result from the social stratification of wealth and power. Chapter three explores how those involved in these movements benefit by challenging the status quo. There are practical ramifications of improving the food security and welfare of consumers. By changing their consumption patterns, Allen argues that individuals make a political statement about the status of their food system. In doing so, consumers recognize their power to alter the food system and become more willing to participate in other social movements. Chapter four examines how alternative agrifood movements are embedded within the existing capitalist system and hence do not challenge that system. This, of course, belies a core pillar of this social movement—anticapitalism. Allen goes on to suggest that political ecology represents a viable framework for examining both the environmental and social aspects of the agrifood system. While this position may be true, Allen does not fully use this framework to explore complex issues like gender and ethnicity that affect every agrifood system, including those in California. Chapter five explores how alternative agrifood movements may reproduce the same systemic problems they are trying to demolish. Chapter six explains that this result can occur because participants in the alternative agrifood movement come from middle-class backgrounds. This chapter shows how closely aligned privilege and power are to empowerment and social change. As an anthropologist and geographer, respectively, the reviewers found this discussion lacking, as it did not fully explore the historical and geographical specifics of California and how the variables of gendered and ethnic landownership, migrant labor, and environmental assets have allowed the agrifood movements to flourish in this setting. In chapter seven, Allen addresses the concerns some have about localized food movements. She deftly explores asymmetries of power within and between communities based on differences in access to resources. In chapter eight, “The Politics of Sustainability and Sustenance,” Allen succinctly explains how current agricultural policy is formed and argues that the agrifood movement must work with the environmental movement to change agricultural policy. By joining forces, a stronger coalition can reach more people to “‘transcend particularities, and arrive at some conception of a universal alternative to that social system which is the source of their difficulties.’”3 The final chapter, “Working toward Sustainability and Sustenance,” addresses the failure of social movements like the agrifood movement to fully examine the differences between reform and transformation. If the alternative agrifood movement wants to avoid further institutionalization, it must speak to some of the core issues inherent to our agrifood system and devise ways in which to address them successfully. Scholars, consumers, and activists interested in the alternative food movement will find this book useful. Allen does a fine job of addressing her objective: “to offer information and insights that can contribute to the reflexive efforts of the alternative agrifood movement as it continues to develop” (p.19). Ultimately, Together at the Table enables one to think about the agrifood movement in a more holistic manner, question our individual roles in the food system, and analyze our consumer nature and place in the world.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the city of Toronto, there are more than 11o community gardens, sites of place-based politics connected to the community food-security movement as discussed by the authors, where passions for plants and food are shared, reflecting the city's shifting cultural landscape and represent an everyday activity that is imbued with multiple meanings.
Abstract: Scattered throughout the city of Toronto are more than 11o community gardens, sites of place-based politics connected to the community food-security movement. The gar- dens, spaces where passions for plants and food are shared, reflect the city's shifting cultural landscape and represent an everyday activity that is imbued with multiple meanings. Toronto's community food-security movement uses gardens as one strategy to regenerate the local food system and provide access to healthy, affordable food. Three garden case studies expand on the complexities of "food citizenship," illustrating the importance of that concept to no- tions of food security. The gardens reveal the role gardeners play in transforming urban spaces, the complex network of organizations working cooperatively and in partnership to implement these projects, and the way in which social and cultural pluralism are shaping the urban landscape. Keywords: community food security, community gardens, food citizenship, Toronto. Three community-garden sites in Toronto offer possibilities for understanding how individuals and groups in urban communities are actively producing space and culture through their constructions of place. This article begins with a discus- sion of the politics of place and the multiple meanings imbued in community gar- dens in Toronto. The discussion is then linked to the notion of "food citizenship" emerging from the literature on alternative food networks and movements. A close examination of three community-garden sites presents an opportunity to explore these notions of citizenship and offers valuable insights into how democratic prac- tices are being cultivated in community gardens and by the community food-secu- rity (CFs) movement. The case studies provide colorful examples of how people are transforming bleak urban spaces into community gardens. Through their gardening activities the gar- deners are actively shaping their community, connecting cross-culturally, and be- ing drawn into broader social movements like the CFS movement through their associations with local nongovernmental organizations (NGos). Gardening in these examples is an activity that implicitly challenges the corporate food system by cre- ating an opportunity for people to dirty their hands, grow their own food, work with their neighbors, and generally transform themselves from consumers of food into "soil citizens" (Esteva and Prakash 1998; DeLind 2002). Toronto's CFS movement strives to reach out to the city's ethnocultural commu- nities but does not always succeed in involving them in food projects and events

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the role of social movements, public opinion, and political climate on the state-level ratification of the ERA was investigated, and the effect of social movement organizations on ratification was amplified in the presence of elite allies.
Abstract: Data on the state-level ERA ratification process are used here to address leading theoretical debates about the role of social movements, public opinion, and political climate on policy outcomes, the goal being to test the claim that these factors depend on each other. Social movement organizations, public opinion, and political party support all influenced the ratification process. But the effects are modified when the interactive nature of public opinion and electoral competition, and political party support and movement organizational strength, are tested. In particular, the effect of social movement organizations on ratification was amplified in the presence of elite allies, and legislators responded most to favorable public opinion under conditions of low electoral competition. These findings are used to suggest a more integrated theory of policy outcomes that considers interactive and contingent effects of movements, public opinion, and political climate.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a dual-pathway model of collective action is proposed, based on social-psychological approaches and traditional social movement research, in line with traditional social movements.
Abstract: Building on an articulation of two influential social-psychological approaches, this chapter suggests a dual-pathway model of collective action. In line with traditional social movement research, o...

Book
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: The Underside of the American Model: Why Labor Matters as mentioned in this paper is a seminal work in the history of social movement unionism, focusing on the "underside" of the "American Model".
Abstract: List of Illustrations Preface 1. Why Labor Matters: The Underside of the "American Model" 2. An Exceptionally Hostile Terrain 3. Bureaucrats, "Strongmen," Militants, and Intellectuals 4. Practices and Possibilities of a Social Movement Unionism 5. Two Futures Notes Works Cited Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that an undertheorized aspect of external context, namely, industry structures, is a primary factor explaining why the anti-biotech movement in Western Europe was so effective.
Abstract: This article analyzes how a new social movement against genetic engineering in agriculture managed to turn a major industry upside down. While the social movements literature has long recognized the importance of external context for the success of social movements, it has paid little attention to the institutional logic and features of targets other than the state. Here I argue that an undertheorized aspect of external context, namely, industry structures , is a primary factor explaining why the anti-biotech movement in Western Europe was so effective. As conceptualized here, industry structures are composed of economic, organizational, and cultural features, and function to enhance or constrain social movements' efforts to change industry behavior. Bringing these structures into our purview and recognizing their significance for activist struggles can significantly advance our understanding of social movement efficacy in this age of globalization and increased corporate power.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that a growing network of international institutions constitute a nascent global state, whose current task is to realize the interests of an emerging transnational capitalist class in the international system to the disadvantage of subaltern classes in the third and first worlds.
Abstract: The article argues that a growing network of international institutions — economic, social, and political — constitute a nascent global state, whose current task is to realize the interests of an emerging transnational capitalist class in the international system to the disadvantage of subaltern classes in the third and first worlds. The evolving global state formation can therefore be described as having an imperial character. Underpinning the emerging imperial global state is a web of sub-national authorities and spaces that represent, along with non-governmental organizations, its decentralized face. These developments, it is contended, seriously undermine substantive democracy at both inter-state and intra-state levels. Eight possible objections to the thesis that a nascent global state having an imperial character has evolved are next considered and rejected. The concluding section briefly explores the question as to whether international institutions can be reformed, the vision that should inform change, and some concrete proposals in this regard. It argues the case for a complex internationalism in which statist reforms are necessary in the short and medium terms. These reforms can only be brought about by a powerful global social movement.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined patterns of citizen participation in the global human rights movement through memberships in human rights international nongovernmental organizations (HRINGO) and found that the strongest predictors of membership in HRINGO are embeddedness in global civil society and international flows of human resources.
Abstract: We examine patterns of citizen participation in the global human rights movement through memberships in human rights international nongovernmental organizations (HRINGOs). After showing enormous growth in the number of HRINGOs in recent decades, we investigate country level characteristics leading to greater participation in the international human rights movement. Drawing on the social movement literature and world society theory, we employ multivariate regression analyses to explain HRINGO memberships in 1978, 1988 and 1998. To understand changes over time, we also use panel analyses for 1978 - 88 and 1988 - 98. The strongest predictors of memberships in HRINGOs are found to be embeddedness in global civil society and international flows of human resources. The effects of these international factors grew stronger over time while domestic factors became less important.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors use empirical evidence on networks of voluntary organizations mobilizing on ethnic minority, environmental, and social exclusion issues in two British cities, to differentiate between social movement processes and other, cognate collective action dynamics.
Abstract: This article uses empirical evidence on networks of voluntary organizations mobilizing on ethnic minority, environmental, and social exclusion issues in two British cities, to differentiate between social movement processes and other, cognate collective action dynamics. Social movement processes are identified as the building and reproducing of dense informal networks between a multiplicity of actors, sharing a collective identity, and engaged in social and/or political conflict. They are contrasted to coalitional processes, where alliances to achieve specific goals are not backed by significant identity links, and organizational processes, where collective action takes place mostly in reference to specific organizations rather than broader, looser networks.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors highlight the nexus of domestic and transnational politics by demonstrating how actors form ethnic networks and utilise transnational opportunities to pursue political goals in various states, and argue that the formation of ethnic networks in the Tamil diaspora has enabled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or "Tigers" to engage in protracted insurgency against the Sri Lankan government army.
Abstract: This article presents an empirical case study of a type of nonstate actor largely overlooked in the IR literature on transnationalism: the diaspora or transnational ethnic actor. Building upon findings from contentious politics or social movements scholarship, I highlight the nexus of domestic and transnational politics by demonstrating how actors form ethnic networks and utilise transnational opportunities to pursue political goals in various states. Specifically, I argue that the formation of ethnic networks in the Tamil diaspora has enabled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or ‘Tigers’ to engage in protracted insurgency against the Sri Lankan government army. Whereas traditional contentious politics scholarship is unable to explain the longevity and intensity of that conflict, a consideration of the transnational dimension provides new insight into how ethnic conflicts may be sustained. The combination of greater political freedom, community organising and access to advanced communications and financial resources in receiving states has allowed Tamil separatists in the diaspora to maintain ‘transnational ethnic networks’ which are in turn used to mobilise funds that have prolonged the secessionist campaign in Sri Lanka.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that social movements and protest tactics are more often part of a portfolio of efforts by politically active leaders and groups to influence politics, and that as representative governance spreads, with the conviction by all parties that governments should respond to popular choice, then social movement and protest will also spread, as a normal element of democratic politics.
Abstract: If social movements are an attempt by “outsiders” to gain leverage within politics, then one might expect the global spread of democracy to reduce social movement activity. This article argues the reverse. Granted, many past social movements, such as women's rights and civil rights, were efforts to empower the disenfranchised. However, this is not typical. Rather, social movements and protest tactics are more often part of a portfolio of efforts by politically active leaders and groups to influence politics. Indeed, as representative governance spreads, with the conviction by all parties that governments should respond to popular choice, then social movements and protest will also spread, as a normal element of democratic politics. Social movements should therefore not be seen as simply a matter of repressed forces fighting states; instead they need to be situated in a dynamic relational field in which the ongoing actions and interests of state actors, allied and counter-movement groups, and the public at large all influence social movement emergence, activity, and outcomes.

Journal ArticleDOI
Gerda R. Wekerle1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the emergence of food justice movements through the lens of social movement theories, which emphasize the politics of place as a resource and strategies of networked movements operating across scales.
Abstract: This article examines the emergence of food justice movements through the lens of social movement theories, which emphasize the politics of place as a resource and strategies of networked movements operating across scales. It examines the creation of a political space for food justice from three perspectives: first, food security from below—the projects and initiatives that serve as alternative practices and precedents for policy change; second, the ways in which agencies of the local state develop policy and change planning; and third, the emergence of food networks at local and regional scales. Food justice movements provide grounded case studies of resistance to globalization through delinking strategies, citizen planning in relation to Toronto’s official plan, and new forms of democratic practice.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Regression analyses including cross-lagged panel analyses clearly confirmed the hypothesized unique predictive value of identification with a formal social movement organization above and beyond the role the collective, normative, and reward motives traditionally considered in social movement research.
Abstract: The authors conducted a panel study with two points of measurement throughout a 12-month interval in the context of the German gay movement to test the predictive power of collective identification in subsequent actual social movement participation. Regression analyses including cross-lagged panel analyses clearly confirmed the hypothesized unique predictive value of identification with a formal social movement organization above and beyond the role the collective, normative, and reward motives traditionally considered in social movement research. Of the three motives, the normative motive was particularly predictive. Moreover, data from an additional telephone follow-up (3 years after the initial measurement) suggests that when the conflict with political opponents becomes particularly fierce, identification with the broader recruitment category, which was previously ineffective as a unique predictor, can politicize to such an extent that it also becomes a strong predictor of participation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify cases in Brazil where civil society organizations challenge old practices, such as clientelism and patronage, while simultaneously offering concrete alternatives for new practices, strategies, and institutions.
Abstract: Brazil is home to some of the most successful experiences in participatory local government. The proliferation of civil society organizations in Brazil during the transition to democratic rule was accompanied by the development of new political values and strategies that fostered institutional renewal at the municipal level. Brazil's 1988 constitution decentralized political authority, thereby granting municipal administrations sufficient resources and political independence to restructure policymaking processes. Coalitions of civil society organizations and political reformers have taken advantage of this flexibility to experiment with new institutional types. The political strategies of civil society organizations are often driven by the need to find immediate solutions to dire social problems and by a broader interest in increasing the access of ordinary citizens to key decision-making venues. The strategies of the political reformers, often led by the left-of-center Workers' Party (PT), have been based on transforming how and to whom public goods are distributed. Scholars in the theoretical debate on democratization have missed key linkages among civil society activists, local participation, governing coalitions, and institutions because they have conceived of only two mutually exclusive options, the demobilization of civil society in posttransition settings and the emergence of counterinstitutional civil society organizations of a social movement type. These theoretical frameworks are unable to show how Brazil's civil society is linked to efforts to expand the institutional terrain on which citizens compete for political resources. This article identifies cases in Brazil where civil society organizations challenge old practices, such as clientelism and patronage, while simultaneously offering concrete alternatives for new practices, strategies, and institutions. The specific political strategies developed by civil society organizations during Brazil's transition to democracy fostered the creation of deliberative policymaking institutions. One institutional type, participatory budgeting, incorporates citizens into deliberative decision-making venues. Political activity within civil society has led to significant political and social change in municipal government in Brazil, belying claims that Brazil finds itself trapped in a "deadlocked democracy."' Participatory budgeting was initiated in 1989 in the municipality of Porto Alegre


Book
01 Aug 2004
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a model of coalition and conflict within the Platform of European Social NGOs (PESN) and the Trinational Alliance against NAFTA: Sinews of Solidarity.
Abstract: Chapter 1 Foreword Chapter 2 Introduction: Cooperation and Conflict in Transnational Protest Part 3 I Movements and Challenges Chapter 4 Gendering Transnational Social Movement Analysis: Women's Groups Contest Free Trade in the Americas Chapter 5 Building a Transnational Environmental Justice Movement: Obstacles and Opportunities in the Age of Globalization Part 6 II Models of Coalition Chapter 7 Conflict and Cooperation within the Platform of European Social NGOs Chapter 8 Bridging the Chasms: The Case of Peoples' Global Action Part 9 III Perspectives on Labor Solidarity Chapter 10 Transnational Campaigns Against Child Labor: The Garment Industry in Bangladesh Chapter 11 Talking across Difference in an Interconnected World of Labor Chapter 12 Monitoring Multinationals: Corporate Codes of Conduct Part 13 IV Transnational Campaigns Chapter 14 Refusing the Trojan Pig: The U.S.-Poland Coalition against Corporate Pork Production Chapter 15 The Trinational Alliance Against NAFTA: Sinews of Solidarity Chapter 16 Factors Affecting Conflict and Cooperation in Transnational Movement Networks