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Showing papers on "Social movement published in 2008"


Book
26 Nov 2008
TL;DR: Arturo Escobar, author of the widely debated book Encountering Development, analyzes the politics of difference enacted by specific place-based ethnic and environmental movements in the context of neoliberal globalization as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In Territories of Difference , Arturo Escobar, author of the widely debated book Encountering Development , analyzes the politics of difference enacted by specific place-based ethnic and environmental movements in the context of neoliberal globalization. His analysis is based on his many years of engagement with a group of Afro-Colombian activists of Colombia’s Pacific rainforest region, the Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN). Escobar offers a detailed ethnographic account of PCN’s visions, strategies, and practices, and he chronicles and analyzes the movement’s struggles for autonomy, territory, justice, and cultural recognition. Yet he also does much more. Consistently emphasizing the value of local activist knowledge for both understanding and social action and drawing on multiple strands of critical scholarship, Escobar proposes new ways for scholars and activists to examine and apprehend the momentous, complex processes engulfing regions such as the Colombian Pacific today. Escobar illuminates many interrelated dynamics, including the Colombian government’s policies of development and pluralism that created conditions for the emergence of black and indigenous social movements and those movements’ efforts to steer the region in particular directions. He examines attempts by capitalists to appropriate the rainforest and extract resources, by developers to set the region on the path of modernist progress, and by biologists and others to defend this incredibly rich biodiversity “hot-spot” from the most predatory activities of capitalists and developers. He also looks at the attempts of academics, activists, and intellectuals to understand all of these complicated processes. Territories of Difference is Escobar’s effort to think with Afro-Colombian intellectual-activists who aim to move beyond the limits of Eurocentric paradigms as they confront the ravages of neoliberal globalization and seek to defend their place-based cultures and territories.

743 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors use qualitative data on the grassroots coalition movement that has spurred a market for grass-fed meat and dairy products in the United States since the early 1990s, and show that the movement's participants mobilized broad cultural codes and these codes motivated producers to enter and persist in a nascent market, shaped their choices about production and exchange technologies, enabled a collective identity, and formed the basis of the products' exchange value.
Abstract: This study illuminates how new markets emerge and how social movements can effect cultural change through market creation. We suggest that social movements can fuel solutions to three challenges in creating new market segments: entrepreneurial production, the creation of collective producer identities, and the establishment of regular exchange between producers and consumers. We use qualitative data on the grassroots coalition movement that has spurred a market for grass-fed meat and dairy products in the United States since the early 1990s. Our analysis shows that the movement's participants mobilized broad cultural codes and that these codes motivated producers to enter and persist in a nascent market, shaped their choices about production and exchange technologies, enabled a collective identity, and formed the basis of the products' exchange value.

647 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used a theory of social movement outcomes, the political mediation model, to explain why certain corporations targeted by boycotts are more likely to concede to boycotters' demands.
Abstract: This paper uses a theory of social movement outcomes, the political mediation model, to explain why certain corporations targeted by boycotts are more likely to concede to boycotters' demands. Hypo...

550 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 2003, the concept of precarity emerged as the central organizing platform for a series of social struggles that would spread across the space of Europe, and four years later, almost as suddenly as the precarity movement appeared, so it would enter into crisis as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In 2003, the concept of precarity emerged as the central organizing platform for a series of social struggles that would spread across the space of Europe. Four years later, almost as suddenly as the precarity movement appeared, so it would enter into crisis. To understand precarity as a political concept it is necessary to go beyond economistic approaches that see social conditions as determined by the mode of production. Such a move requires us to see Fordism as exception and precarity as the norm. The political concept and practice of translation enables us to frame the precarity of creative labour in a broader historical and geographical perspective, shedding light on its contestation and relation to the concept of the common. Our interest is in the potential for novel forms of connection, subjectivization and political organization. Such processes of translation are themselves inherently precarious, transborder undertakings.

517 citations


BookDOI
30 Apr 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, why, how, and problems of comparison of comparison are discussed and the challenges for comparative politics are discussed. But the focus is not on how to compare countries, but rather on comparing many countries and few countries.
Abstract: Part 1: Why, How, and Problems of Comparison 1. Why compare countries? 2. How to compare countries 3. Comparing many countries 4. Comparing few countries 5. Case studies as comparison Part 2: Comparing Comparisons 6. Economic development and democracy 7. Violent political dissent and social revolution 8. Non-violent political dissent and social movements 9. Transitions to democracy 10. Institutional design and democratic performance 11. Human rights 12. International relations and comparative politics Part 3: Comparative Methods and New Issues 13. Common themes and different comparisons 14. New challenges for comparative politics

494 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Bruce Kidd1
TL;DR: In recent years, national and international sports organizations, governments and non-governmental organizations (NGO), universities and schools have conducted programmes in low-and middle-income countries as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In recent years, national and international sports organizations, governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), universities and schools have conducted programmes in low- and middle-income...

487 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the view of society and power underlying the political process model is too narrow to encompass the diversity of contemporary change efforts, and they examined the conceptions of social movements, politics, actors, goals, and strategies supported by each model.
Abstract: We argue that critiques of political process theory are beginning to coalesce into a new approach to social movements—a “multi-institutional politics” approach. While the political process model assumes that domination is organized by and around one source of power, the alternative perspective views domination as organized around multiple sources of power, each of which is simultaneously material and symbolic. We examine the conceptions of social movements, politics, actors, goals, and strategies supported by each model, demonstrating that the view of society and power underlying the political process model is too narrow to encompass the diversity of contemporary change efforts. Through empirical examples, we demonstrate that the alternative approach provides powerful analytical tools for the analysis of a wide variety of contemporary change efforts.

477 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors review evidence regarding debates on the resource curse and the possibility of an extraction-led pathway to development, and describe different types of resistance and social mobilization that have greeted mineral expansion at a range of geographical scales, and consider how far these protests have changed the relationships between mining and political economic change.
Abstract: The last decade and a half has witnessed a dramatic growth in mining activity in many developing countries. This article reviews these recent trends and describes the debates and conflicts they have triggered. The authors review evidence regarding debates on the resource curse and the possibility of an extraction-led pathway to development. They then describe the different types of resistance and social mobilization that have greeted mineral expansion at a range of geographical scales, and consider how far these protests have changed the relationships between mining and political economic change. The conclusions address how far such protests might contribute to an ‘escape’ from the resource curse, and consider implications for research and policy agendas.

471 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The use of co-production, when considered as a strategy used by citizens and the state to extend access to basic services with relatively little consideration given to its wider political ramifications, is examined in this article.
Abstract: This paper reviews the use of co-production — with state and citizens working together — as a grassroots strategy to secure political influence and access resources and services. To date, the literature on social movements has concentrated on more explicitly political strategies used by such movements to contest for power and influence. Co-production, when considered, is viewed as a strategy used by citizens and the state to extend access to basic services with relatively little consideration given to its wider political ramifications. However, co-production is used increasingly by grassroots organizations and federations as part of an explicit political strategy. This paper examines the use of co-productive strategies by citizen groups and social movement organizations to enable individual members and their associations to secure effective relations with state institutions that address both immediate basic needs and enable them to negotiate for greater benefits.

396 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the presence and nature of social movements has significant influences both on forms taken by extractive industries (in this case mining) and on the effects of this extraction on rural livelihoods.

369 citations


Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: The Global Commonwealth of Citizens as mentioned in this paper is a book by one of the world's leading proponents of cosmopolitan democracy, who argues that democracy can be extended to the global political arena by strengthening and reforming existing international organizations and creating new ones, and calls for dramatic changes in the foreign policies of nations to make them compatible with global public interests.
Abstract: The Global Commonwealth of Citizens critically examines the prospects for cosmopolitan democracy as a viable and humane response to the challenges of globalization Arising after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the decisive affirmation of Western-style democracy, cosmopolitan democracy envisions a world politics in which democratic participation by citizens is not constrained by national borders, and where democracy spreads through dialogue and incentives, not coercion and war This is an incisive and thought-provoking book by one of the world's leading proponents of cosmopolitan democracy Daniele Archibugi looks at all aspects of cosmopolitan democracy in theory and practice Is democracy beyond nation-states feasible? Is it possible to inform global governance with democratic norms and values, and if so, how? Archibugi carefully answers questions like these and forcefully responds to skeptics and critics He argues that democracy can be extended to the global political arena by strengthening and reforming existing international organizations and creating new ones, and he calls for dramatic changes in the foreign policies of nations to make them compatible with global public interests Archibugi advocates giving voice to new global players such as social movements, cultural communities, and minorities He proposes building institutional channels across borders to address common problems, and encourages democratic governance at the local, national, regional, and global levels The Global Commonwealth of Citizens is an accessible introduction to the subject that will be of interest to students and scholars in political science, international relations, international law, and human rights

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a narrative of city contestations beyond policy and programs is proposed, where poor groups claim public services and safeguarding territorial claims, open up political spaces that appropriate institutions and fuel an economy that builds complex alliances.
Abstract: This article proposes a narrative of city contestations beyond policy and programs. It considers why Indian metro elites, large land developers and international donors paradoxically lobby for comprehensive planning when confronting ‘vote bank politics’ by the poor. Poor groups, claiming public services and safeguarding territorial claims, open up political spaces that appropriate institutions and fuel an economy that builds complex alliances. Such spaces, here termed ‘occupancy urbanism’, are materialized by land shaped into multiple de-facto tenures deeply embedded in lower bureaucracy. While engaging the state, these locality politics remain autonomous of it. Such a narrative views city terrains as being constituted by multiple political spaces inscribed by complex local histories. This politics is substantial and poses multiple crises for global capital. Locally embedded institutions subvert high-end infrastructure and mega projects. ‘Occupancy urbanism’ helps poor groups appropriate real estate surpluses via reconstituted land tenure to fuel small businesses whose commodities jeopardize branded chains. Finally, it poses a political consciousness that refuses to be disciplined by NGOs and well-meaning progressive activists and the rhetoric of ‘participatory planning’. This is also a politics that rejects ‘developmentalism’ where ‘poverty’ is ghettoized via programs for ‘basic needs’ allowing the elite ‘globally competitive economic development’.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define volunteerism as "freely chosen helping activities that extend over time and that are often performed through organizations and on behalf of receptive causes or individuals".
Abstract: This analytic review focuses on theory and research on volunteerism. First, we define volunteerism as freely chosen helping activities that extend over time and that are often performed through organizations and on behalf of receptive causes or individuals. Next, we link these definitional features to the Volunteer Process Model, which depicts volunteerism as a process with three sequential and interactive stages (antecedents, experiences, and consequences) and at multiple levels of analysis. Then, we use this model to organize the empirical literature on volunteerism and selected work on social movements. Finally, we discuss implications for social policy issues relevant to individuals, organizations, communities, and societies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored whether Muslim immigrants respond to their societal situation by engaging in collective political action, and found that social psychological mechanisms known to facilitate immigrants' collective action can provide predictive leverage relative to the influence of grievances, efficacy, identity, emotions, and embeddedness in civil society networks.
Abstract: The social and political integration of Muslim immigrants into Western societies is among the most pressing problems of today. Research documents how immigrant communities are increasingly under pressure to assimilate to their “host” societies in the face of significant discrimination. In this article, we bring together two literatures—that on immigrants and that on social movement participation—to explore whether Muslim immigrants respond to their societal situation by engaging in collective political action. Although neither literature has given much attention to immigrant collective action, they do provide predictive leverage relative to the influence of grievances, efficacy, identity, emotions, and embeddedness in civil society networks. Our analyses are comprised of three separate but identical studies: a study of Turkish (N = 126) and Moroccan immigrants (N = 80) in the Netherlands and a study of Turkish immigrants (N = 100) in New York. Results suggest that social psychological mechanisms known to ...

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the presence and nature of social movements has significant influences both on forms taken by extractive industries (in this case mining), and on the effects of this extraction on rural livelihoods.
Abstract: Social movements have been viewed as vehicles through which the concerns of poor and marginalised groups are given greater visibility within civil society, lauded for being the means to achieve local empowerment and citizen activism, and seen as essential in holding the state to account and constituting a grassroots mechanism for promoting democracy. However, within development studies little attention has been paid to understanding how social movements can affect trajectories of development and rural livelihood in given spaces, and how these effects are related to movements' internal dynamics and their interaction with the broader environment within which they operate. This paper addresses this theme for the case of social movements protesting contemporary forms of mining investment in Latin America. On the basis of cases from Peru and Ecuador, the paper argues that the presence and nature of social movements has significant influences both on forms taken by extractive industries (in this case mining), and on the effects of this extraction on rural livelihoods. In this sense one can usefully talk about rural development as being co-produced by movements, mining companies and other actors, in particular the state. The terms of this co-production, however, vary greatly among different locations, reflecting the distinct geographies of social mobilisation and of mineral investment, as well as the varying power relationships among the different actors involved.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Mar 2008-Geoforum
TL;DR: Feminist political ecology (FPE) as discussed by the authorsPE is a generalization of political ecology to address women as a group, and gender as a category, with a focus on women's identities and affinities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper analyzed how cooperative enterprise was affected by the Grange movement, a leading anticorporate movement in the United States during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and found that the movement had positive effects on cooperatives and mutuals during the nineteenth-century populist struggles over corporate capitalism.
Abstract: How do social movements promote diversity and alternative organizational forms? We address this question by analyzing how cooperative enterprise was affected by the Grange—a leading anticorporate movement in the United States during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. State-level analyses across three industries yield three findings. First, the Grange had positive effects on cooperatives and mutuals during the nineteenth-century populist struggles over corporate capitalism. Second, these effects were stronger where corporations counter-mobilized to block challengers' political efforts. Grangers pursued economic organization as an alternative to politics and in response to blocked political access. Third, the Grange continued to foster cooperatives even as populist revolts waned. It did so, however, by buffering cooperatives from problems of group heterogeneity and population change, rendering them less dependent on supportive communities and specific economic conditions. These findings advance research at the movements/organizations interface by documenting movement effects and by isolating different causal pathways through which mobilization, counter- mobilization, and political opportunity shape economic organization. The results also provide economic sociology with new evidence on how social structure moderates economic forces, and help revise institutional analyses of American capitalism by showing how cooperatives emerged as significant, rather than aberrant, elements of the U.S. economy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the notion of emergent concerned groups and how these groups contribute to shaping the relations between technoscience, politics, and economic markets is discussed, and the first par...
Abstract: This article discusses the notion of emergent concerned groups and explores how these groups contribute to shaping the relations between technoscience, politics, and economic markets. The first par...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored the role of counter-summit protests within anti-corporate global protest movements, and brought together anthropological, sociological, and related literature on media, emotion, and performance.
Abstract: This article brings together the anthropological, sociological, and related literature on media, emotion, and performance to explore the role of counter-summit protests within anti-corporate global...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a social movement theory-based explanation for the emergence and influence of corporate stakeholders is provided. And the author argues that stakeholder influence originates in the collective action of potential stakeholders, which binds individual stakeholders together and assists in the formation of a common identity and interests.
Abstract: This article provides a social movement theory—based explanation for the emergence and influence of corporate stakeholders. The author argues that stakeholder influence originates in the collective action of potential stakeholders. Collective action binds individual stakeholders together, assists in the formation of a common identity and interests, and provides the means for stakeholder strategic action. The author suggests three main factors that explain the emergence of stakeholder collective action and its consequent influence: mobilizing structures, corporate opportunities, and framing processes. By focusing more on the collective action necessary for stakeholder influence, we also gain a better understanding of how negotiation processes might unfold between stakeholders and corporate decision makers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors model the rise of an aspiring academic community as an admittance-seeking social movement consisting of three major elements: differentiation, mobilization, and legitimacy building.
Abstract: Numerous histories of the early days of individual academic fields have been written, but scholars generally have stopped short of proposing generalizable frameworks or testable propositions for why these focal fields survived and prospered. We integrate logics from social movement theory and the sociology of science to model the rise of an aspiring academic community as an admittance-seeking social movement consisting of three major elements: differentiation, mobilization, and legitimacy building. We offer propositions based on in-depth analysis of the rise of a specific field—strategic management—within the administrative sciences.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the role of each target's vulnerabilities and its capacities for response as explanations for the degree of transgressive protest each target faces, and provided strong evidence for considering targets as a central factor in shaping forms of social protest.
Abstract: Analysts have shown increased interest in how social movements use tactical repertoires strategically. While the state is most often the guarantor of new benefits, many movements—from labor to the environmental movement—target corporate, educational, and other institutions. Employing a unique data set of protests reported in the New York Times (1960–90), this research examines how repertoires are, in part, contingent on the institutional target a movement selects. In particular, the authors consider the role of each target's vulnerabilities and its capacities for response—repression, facilitation, and routinization—as explanations for the degree of transgressive protest each target faces. The results provide strong evidence for considering targets as a central factor in shaping forms of social protest.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Social Movements for Global Democracy as mentioned in this paper is a case study of how transnational networks of social movement activists have worked to promote human rights and ecological sustainability over the predominant neoliberal system of economic integration.
Abstract: This groundbreaking study sheds new light on the struggle to define the course of globalization. Synthesizing extensive research on transnational activism, Social Movements for Global Democracy shows how transnational networks of social movement activists-democratic globalizers-have worked to promote human rights and ecological sustainability over the predominant neoliberal system of economic integration. Using case studies of recent and ongoing campaigns for global justice, Jackie Smith provides valuable insight into whether and how these activists are succeeding. She argues that democratic globalizers could be more effective if they presented a united front organized around a global vision that places human rights and ecological stability foremost and if they were to directly engage governments and the United Nations. Illuminating the deep-seated struggles between two visions of globalization, Smith reveals a network of activists who have long been working to democratize the global political system.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that contemporary social movements are important sites of knowledge creation, reformulation, and diffusion, and recognize movements as processes through which knowledge is generated, modified, and mobilized, gaining important insights into the politics of contemporary movements.
Abstract: Social movements are arising in unexpected places, producing effects not normally associated with our traditional understandings of either politics or movements. No longer, and perhaps never, solely the highly visible, modernist expressions of resistance to the state, movements are not only enacting politics through protest and cultural contestation, but are generating diverse knowledges. From heated debates over the meaning of Italy's alter-globalization movement; to careful direct-action strategizing in Chicago's cooperative bookstores; to conferences on Native American environmental justice issues, contemporary movements are important sites of knowledge creation, reformulation and diffusion. We call these "knowledge-practices." Building on interdisciplinary approaches to the study of social movements, we argue that when we recognize movements as processes through which knowledge is generated, modified and mobilized, we gain important insights into the politics of contemporary movements. This recognition also has important methodological implications. It requires that we shift the mode of engagement in our research, blurring established social scientific boundaries and promoting a more relational-symmetrical approach.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The field of environmental justice emerged at a crossroads of social movements, public policy, and academic research as mentioned in this paper, what we call environmental justice praxis, and it has been expanding to address new populations, problems, and places.
Abstract: The field of environmental justice emerged at a crossroads of social movements, public policy, and academic research ‐ what we call environmental justice praxis. Now, the field finds itself again at a crossroads as it expands to address new populations, problems, and places. In this article, we first outline the competing definitions of the problems of environmental inequality and environmental racism from the perspective of social movements, policy, and research. Second, we identify the expansion of the field in two key areas: new issues and constituencies and new places and sites of analysis ‐ specifically the relationship between the local and the global. This expansion leads to increasingly sophisticated spatial methodologies and social theories to examine problems of environmental injustice. Finally, we identify three promising trends in the field: refining the mechanisms and processes of environmental injustice, a renewed focus on the state and the environment as key actors, and a revitalized focus on the interactive and continually evolving relationship between scholarship and social movements.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors make an argument for the possibility of counter-hegemonic globalization, defined as a globally organized project of transformation aimed at replacing the dominant global regime with one that maximizes democratic political control and makes the equitable development of human capabilities and environmental stewardship its priorities.
Abstract: Building on Polanyi’s concept of the “double-movement” through which society defends itself against domination by the self-regulating market, this article sets out some key organizational and ideological hurdles that the contemporary “movement of movements” must surmount to challenge the hegemony of neo-liberal globalization. After outlining neo-liberalism’s failures, it makes an argument for the possibility of “counter-hegemonic globalization,” defined as a globally organized project of transformation aimed at replacing the dominant (hegemonic) global regime with one that maximizes democratic political control and makes the equitable development of human capabilities and environmental stewardship its priorities.

Book
15 Dec 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss gender violence as a Human Rights Violation and violence against women as a cultural practice in the family and women and armed conflict in the home, as well as women's participation in domestic violence.
Abstract: Preface vi 1 Introduction 1 2 Gender Violence and Social Movements 25 3 Punishment, Safety, and Reform: Interventions in Domestic Violence 48 4 Gender Violence as a Human Rights Violation 77 5 Poverty, Racism, and Migration 102 6 Violent "Cultural" Practices in the Family 127 7 Women and Armed Confl ict 156 8 Conclusions 179 References 187 Index 207

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the case of U.S. protests against the Iraq war in 2003, the authors found that individual activists closest to the various sponsoring protest organizations were disproportionately likely to identify with diverse political networks and disproportionately relied on digital communication media (lists, Web sites) for various types of information and action purposes.
Abstract: The speed and scale of mobilization in many contemporary protest events may reflect a transformation of movement organizations toward looser ties with members, enabling broader mobilization through the mechanism of dense individual-level political networks. This analysis explores the dynamics of this communication process in the case of U.S. protests against the Iraq war in 2003. We hypothesize that individual activists closest to the various sponsoring protest organizations were (a) disproportionately likely to affiliate with diverse political networks and (b) disproportionately likely to rely on digital communication media (lists, Web sites) for various types of information and action purposes. We test this model using a sample of demonstrators drawn from the United States protest sites of New York, San Francisco, and Seattle and find support for our hypotheses.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In "Struggles of voice", Jose Antonio Lucero examines two outstanding examples in order to understand their different patterns of indigenous mobilization and to reformulate the theoretical model by which we link political representation to social change as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Over the last two decades, indigenous populations in Latin America have achieved a remarkable level of visibility and political effectiveness, particularly in Ecuador and Bolivia. In "Struggles of Voice", Jose Antonio Lucero examines these two outstanding examples in order to understand their different patterns of indigenous mobilization and to reformulate the theoretical model by which we link political representation to social change.Building on extensive fieldwork, Lucero considers Ecuador's united indigenous movement and compares it to the more fragmented situation in Bolivia. He analyzes the mechanisms at work in political and social structures to explain the different outcomes in each case. Lucero assesses the intricacies of the many indigenous organizations and the influence of various NGOs to uncover how the conflicts within social movements, the shifting nature of indigenous identities, and the politics of transnationalism all contribute to the success or failure of political mobilization.Blending philosophical inquiry with empirical analysis, "Struggles of Voice" is an informed and incisive comparative history of indigenous movements in these two Andean countries. It helps to redefine our understanding of the complex intersections of social movements and political representation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article used data from 88,000 14-year-olds surveyed in the 1999 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study to examine country differences in students' knowledge pertaining to human rights compared with other forms of civic knowledge, and students' attitudes toward promoting and practicing human rights.
Abstract: An understanding of human rights among young people forms a foundation for future support and practice of rights. We have used data from 88,000 14-year-olds surveyed in the 1999 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study to examine country differences in students' knowledge pertaining to human rights compared with other forms of civic knowledge, and in students' attitudes toward promoting and practicing human rights. A hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analysis examines student-level predictors (e.g., gender and school experiences) and country-level predictors (e.g., history of democracy) of rights-related knowledge and attitudes. Countries with governments that pay more attention to human rights in intergovernmental discourse (i.e., dialogue between nations and international governing bodies) have students who perform better on human rights knowledge items. Students' experiences of democracy at school and with international issues have a positive association with their knowledge of human rights. Significant gender differences also exist. Looking at rights-related attitudes, students with more knowledge of human rights, more frequent engagement with international topics, and more open class and school climates held stronger norms supporting social movement citizenship, had more positive attitudes toward immigrants' rights, and were more politically efficacious. Implications are drawn for psychologists and educators who wish to play a role in increasing adolescents' understanding, support, and practice of human rights.