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Social movement

About: Social movement is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 23103 publications have been published within this topic receiving 653076 citations. The topic is also known as: movement & syndical movement.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hunt et al. as discussed by the authors analyzed the dynamics of interorganizational frame disputes within the nuclear disarmament movement, including their organizational and ideological contexts, conditions conducive to theiremergence, patterns observed, and their effects.
Abstract: Social movement organizations (SMOs) devote considerable effort to constructing particular versions of reality, developing and espousingalternativevisions, and attempting to affect various audiences' interpretations. Conflicts regarding such interpretive matters, referred to as 'frame disputes," are ubiquitous within movements. Using a multimethod strategy, this study analyzes the dynamics of interorganizationalframe disputes within the nuclear disarmament movement, including their organizational and ideological contexts, conditions conducive to theiremergence, patterns observed, and their effects. Three generic types of disputes are identified and elaborated: diagnostic, prognostic, andframe resonance disputes. Of the 51 disputes observed, all but two involved SMOs from two or more different movement factions. More disputes occurred between the movement's most moderate and radicalfactions than between otherfactions. Intramural conflicts were both detrimental andfacilitative of the disarmament movement and its SMOs. In the most extensive review to date of social movement literature, McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (1988) conclude that we know little about "the dynamics of collective action past the emergence of a movement" (728). Until recently, even less was known about grievance interpretation and communication processes, the essence of movement dynamics. Scholars have begun to address this lacuna by attending to various movement interpretive processes including public discourse (Gamson 1988; Gamson & Modigliani 1989; Steinberg 1989), frame alignment (Benford 1987; Snow & Benford 1988,1992; Snow et al. 1986), grievance interpretation and reality construction (Benford & Hunt 1992; Ferree & Miller 1985; Gusfield 1981; Klandermans 1992; Mauss 1975; Tarrow 1992; Turner & Killian 1987), and collective identity (Friedman & McAdam 1992; Gamson 1991; Hunt 1991; Hunt & Benford 1994; Melucci 1980, 1985, 1988, 1989; Pizzomo 1978; Taylor & Whittier 1992). *This is a revisedversion of apaperpresentedat the annual meetings oftheMidwestSociological Society,April6-9,1989, in St.Louis. Iamgrateful to ScottA.Hunt,MichelleHughesMiller,David A. Snow, and two anonymous reviewersfor their advice and comments on earlier drafts. Please direct correspondence to the author at the Department of Sociology, University of NebraskaLincoln, 703 OldfatherHall, Lincoln, NE 68588-0324. i) The University of North Carolina Press Social Forces, March 1993, 71(3):677-701 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.137 on Fri, 27 May 2016 05:34:23 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 678 / Social Forces 71:3, March 1993 Although often empirically grounded, the bulk of these developments have been theoretical. Few analyses examine how well these concepts stand up empirically. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (1988) suggest that "what is needed is more systematic, qualitative fieldwork into the dynamics of collective action at the intermediate meso level . . . the level at which most movement action occurs and of which we know the least" (729). With these considerations in mind, this article analyzes empirically the negotiated and often contentious nature of grievance construction and communication processes within the nuclear disarmament movement by focussing on intramovement frame disputes.

597 citations

Book
20 Apr 2000
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate complex multilateralism by studying the relationship between three multilateral economic institutions (the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organization) and three global social movements (environmental, labour and women's movements).
Abstract: This book argues that increasing engagement between international institutions and sectors of civil society is producing a new form of global governance. The authors investigate 'complex multilateralism' by studying the relationship between three multilateral economic institutions (the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organization), and three global social movements (environmental, labour and women's movements). They provide a rich comparative analysis of the institutional response to social movement pressure, tracing institutional change, policy modification and social movement tactics as they struggle to influence the rules and practices governing trade, finance and development regimes. The contest to shape global governance is increasingly being conducted upon a number of levels and amongst a diverse set of actors. Analysing a unique breadth of institutions and movements, this book charts an important part of that contest.

594 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined determinants of collective behavior, as suggested by the social identity or self-categorization approach and social movement research, were examined in 2 field studies, in the context of the older people's movement in Germany and the gay movement in the United States.
Abstract: Determinants of collective behavior, as suggested by the social identity or self-categorization approach and social movement research, were examined in 2 field studies. Study 1 was conducted in the context of the older people's movement in Germany and Study 2 in the context of the gay movement in the United States. Both studies yielded similar results pointing to 2 independent pathways to willingness to participate in collective action; one is based on cost-benefit calculations (including normative considerations), and the other is based on collective identification as an activist. Study 2 included an experimental manipulation and provided evidence for the causal role of collective identification as an activist. Directions for future research on the proposed dual-pathway model are suggested. Members of disadvantaged groups who do not want to passively accept their lot have to find ways to improve their situation. To do so, they can adopt a variety of strategies that can range from individual strategies of social mobility to collective strategies of social change. The former rest on the belief that one's own position can be improved by moving from one social position to another as an individual (Tajfel, 1981). These individual strategies thus involve leaving a disadvantaged group physically or at least psychologically. Collective strategies, on the other hand, are adopted to the extent that a person believes that "the only way for him to change these [disadvantageous] conditions ... is together with his group as a whole" (Tajfel, 1981, p. 247). Collective strategies include not only militant forms of intergroup behavior or collective action such as revolts and strikes but also more moderate forms such as signing a petition or attending a group meeting. Although individual social mobility strategies are often pre

590 citations

Book
01 Jul 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, Castells describes the origins, purpose and effect of proactive movements such as feminism and environmentalism, which aim to transform human relationships at their most fundamental level; and reactive movements that build trenches of resistance on behalf of God, nation, ethnicity, family, or locality.
Abstract: From the Publisher: Manuel Castells describes the origins, purpose and effect of proactive movements, such as feminism and environmentalism, which aim to transform human relationships at their most fundamental level; and of reactive movements that build trenches of resistance on behalf of God, nation, ethnicity, family, or locality The fundamental categories of existence, the author shows, are threatened by the combined, contradictory assault of techno-economic forces and transformative social movements, each using the new power of the media to promote their ambitions Caught between these opposing trends, he argues, the nation-state is called into question, drawing into its crisis the very notion of political democracy The author moves thematically between the United States, Western Europe, Russia, Mexico, Bolivia, the Islamic World, China, and Japan, seeking to understand a variety of social processes that are, he contends, closely inter-related in function and meaning This is a book of profound importance for understanding how the world will be transformed by the beginning of the next century

582 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: McAdam and McAdam as mentioned in this paper pointed out that, rather than focusing on some supposedly universal cause of collective action, writers in this tradition examine political structures as incentives to the formation of social movements, and there are two major ways of specifying political structures in relation to collective action: as cross-sectional and static structures of opportunity and as intrasystemic and dynamic ones.
Abstract: In a 1991 article, John McCarthy, David Britt, and Mark Wolfson begin with an assertion that is often acknowledged in the social movement field but seldom receives the attention it deserves. They write: When people come together to pursue collective action in the context of the modern state they enter a complex and multifaceted social, political and economic environment. The elements of the environment have manifold direct and indirect consequences for people's common decisions about how to define their social change goals and how to organize and proceed in pursuing those goals. (1991: 46) Their observation reflects the findings of a loose archipelago of writings that has developed since the early 1970s around the theme of “political opportunity structure.” In his introduction to this part, Doug McAdam points out that, rather than focus on some supposedly universal cause of collective action, writers in this tradition examine political structures as incentives to the formation of social movements. But there are two major ways of specifying political structures in relation to collective action: as cross-sectional and static structures of opportunity and as intrasystemic and dynamic ones. This essay briefly discusses both but explores in much greater depth why – in my view – “dynamic” opportunities appear to impinge more directly on the decision-making of social movements and permit them to create their own opportunities. A TYPOLOGY OF OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES As in any developing paradigm, there is a healthy and many-sided debate about how to conceptualize political opportunity structure. Some researchers have focused on large-scale structures, others on ones that are proximate to particular actors; some analyze cross-sectional variations in political opportunity, while others look at how changes in political conflict and alliances trigger, channel, and demobilize social movements.

581 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20241
2023342
2022758
2021829
20201,073
20191,050