Topic
Social movement
About: Social movement is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 23103 publications have been published within this topic receiving 653076 citations. The topic is also known as: movement & syndical movement.
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TL;DR: Based on 70 interviews with informants who were mostly students during the 1989 Beijing student movement, the author found that the ecology of university campuses in Beijing enclosed a huge number of students in a small area with a unique spatial distribution and regulated their spatial activities.
Abstract: Based on 70 interviews with informants who were mostly students during the 1989 Beijing student movement, the author found that the ecology of university campuses in Beijing enclosed a huge number of students in a small area with a unique spatial distribution and regulated their spatial activities. This ecology nurtured many close–knit student networks, as well as directly exposed all Beijing students to a collective action environment when the movement started. These ecological conditions not only sustained a high rate of movement participation but also facilitated the formation of many ecology–dependent strategies of student mobilization, which in turn patterned the dynamics of the movement.
253 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: The Waterfront internationalism of the Spanish dockers beyond westocentrism as mentioned in this paper is a classic example of such an internationalism beyond the bureau of a socialist and proletariat internationalism.
Abstract: Introduction - beyond Labour internationalism and a socialist utopia history - whatever happened to socialist and proletariat internationalism? reconceptualization - the New Labour internationalism beyond the bureau - the Waterfront internationalism of the Spanish dockers beyond westocentrism -new world, new unions, New Labour internationalism? beyond internationalism - women, feminism and global solidarity conclusion - globalization, civil society, solidarity postscript - the new global solidarity as personal experience.
252 citations
TL;DR: The role of artists, cultural producers and creative milieux in urban social movements is discussed in this article, with reference to the hypothesis made by David Harvey in Spaces of Capital about the increasing mobilization of cultural producers in oppositional movements.
Abstract: In cities across the globe there is mounting evidence of growing mobilization by members of the so-called ‘creative class’ in urban social movements, defending particular urban spaces and influencing urban development. This essay discusses the meaning of such developments with reference to the hypothesis made by David Harvey in Spaces of Capital about the increasing mobilization of cultural producers in oppositional movements in an era of wholesale instrumentalization of culture and ‘creativity’ in contemporary processes of capitalist urbanization. After briefly reviewing recent scholarly contributions on the transformations of urban social movements, as well as Harvey's hypothesis about the potential role of cultural producers in mobilizations for the construction of ‘spaces of hope’, the essay describes two specific urban protests that have occurred in Berlin and Hamburg in recent years: the fight for Berlin's waterfront in the Media Spree area, and the conflict centred on the Gangeviertel in Hamburg. In both protests artists, cultural producers and creative milieux have played a prominent role. The essay analyses the composition, agenda, contribution and contradictions of the coalitions behind the protests, discussing whether such movements represent the seeds of new types of coalitions with a wide-ranging agenda for urban change. The essay finally proposes a future research agenda on the role of artists, cultural producers and the ‘creative class’ in urban social movements across the globe.
251 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the conditions under which organizations form alliances across movement boundaries, and examined whether these cross-movement coalition events are facilitated by the same factors that inspire coalition activity among organizations active within a single movement.
Abstract: Staging events with a large number of participants is a central means by which collective action movements exercise power. Creating broad coalitions that cut across movement boundaries is one way to mobilize these large numbers. In spite of this fact, most studies of social movement coalitions focus on individual movements, analyzing them in isolation. This article explores the conditions under which organizations form alliances across movement boundaries, and examines whether these cross-movement coalition events are facilitated by the same factors that inspire coalition activity among organizations active within a single movement. I use event history methods to analyze data on 2,644 left-wing protest events that occurred on college campuses between 1930 and 1990. I find several differences between the factors that facilitate cross-movement and within-movement coalition events. The availability of resources is important to within-movement coalition events but not to cross-movement coalition formation. Local threats inspire within-movement coalition events, while larger threats that affect multiple constituencies or broadly defined identities inspire crossmovement coalition formation. The activity of multi-issue movement organizations is associated with higher levels of all forms of protest, including single and cross-movement coalition events. This research contributes to social movement theory by demonstrating that political threats sometimes inspire protest, and that organizational goals influence strategic action.
251 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine four cases in which social media design and policies created tensions between the sociopolitical uses by activists and the commercial interests of the platform owners, and highlight how prohibitions on anonymity, community policing practices, campaigns from regime loyalists, and counterinsurgency tactics work against democracy advocates.
Abstract: The uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere have been credited in part to the creative use of social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. Yet the information policies of the firms behind social media can inhibit activists and empower authoritarian regimes. Analysis of Facebook’s response to Egypt’s ‘‘We Are All Khaled Said’’ group, YouTube’s policy exemption for videos coming from Syria, Moroccan loyalist response to the online presence of atheists, and the activities of the Syrian Electronic Army illustrate how prohibitions on anonymity, community policing practices, campaigns from regime loyalists, and counterinsurgency tactics work against democracy advocates. These problems arise from the design and governance challenges facing large-scale, revenue-seeking social media enterprises. Social media platforms are utilized extensively by activists in a variety of political systems. Their role in the evolution of events during the ‘‘Arab Spring’’ has been widely discussed, but it is also important to recognize that social media are used to serve the political goals of reformers, revolutionaries, and authoritarian regimes alike. At the same time, Facebook, Google, Twitter, and the other firms must view social media in commercial terms as products and services with customers and users. In this article we examine four cases in which social media design and policies created tensions between the sociopolitical uses by activists and the commercial interests of the platform owners. Information technologies have become indispensable to reformers, revolutionaries, and contemporary democracy movements. They serve as venues for the shared expression of dissent, dissemination of information, and collective action. In the
251 citations