Social psychology (sociology)

About: Social psychology (sociology) is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 18151 publications have been published within this topic receiving 907731 citations. The topic is also known as: Social psychology & sociological social psychology.

Collectivism v. Individualism: A Reconceptualisation of a Basic Concept in Cross-cultural Social Psychology

Abstract: Perhaps the most important dimension of cultural difference in social behaviour, across the diverse cultures of the world, is the relative emphasis on individualism v. collectivism. In individualist cultures, most people’s social behaviour is largely determined by personal goals, attitudes, and values of collectivities (families, co-workers, fellow countrymen). In collectivist cultures, most people’s social behaviour is largely determined by goals, attitudes, and values that are shared with some collectivity (group of persons).

Reconciling processing dynamics and personality dispositions

Abstract: ▪ Abstract Developments in personality-social psychology, in social cognition, and in cognitive neuroscience have led to an emerging conception of personality dynamics and dispositions that builds on diverse contributions from the past three decades. Recent findings demonstrating a previously neglected but basic type of personality stability allow a reconceptualization of classic issues in personality and social psychology. It reconstrues the nature and role of situations and links contextually sensitive processing dynamics to stable dispositions. It thus facilitates the reconciliation within a unitary framework of dispositional (trait) and processing (social cognitive–affective–dynamic) approaches that have long been separated. Given their history, however, the realization of this promise remains to be seen.

Social Comparison in Everyday Life

Abstract: Ninety-four college students recorded details of their social comparisons over 2 weeks using a new instrument, the Rochester Social Comparison Record. Major results were (a) comparison direction varied with relationship with the target; (b) precomparison negative mood led more often to upward comparison than to downward comparison, supporting a selective affect-cognition priming model in which dysphoria primes negative thoughts about the self (Bower, 1991; Forgas, Bower, & Moylan, 1990) rather than a motivational self-enhancement model (Wills, 1981,1991); (c) upward comparison decreased subjective well-being, whereas downward comparison increased it; and (d) high self-esteem individuals engaged in more self-enhancing comparison. Festinger's theory of social comparison processes (Festinger, 1954) continues to be an active arena for theory and research. A new edited book (Suls & Wills, 1991), a symposium at the 1990 meeting of the Society for Experimental Social Psychology (SESP), and frequent journal articles attest to this vigor. Yet underlying the vitality is a feeling of uneasiness, obvious in the comments occasioned by the SESP symposium, in which a group of extraordinari ly knowledgeable participants showed little agreement about such apparently basic questions as "Do people compare at all (or very much)? When do people compare? How do people balance upward and downward comparisons? How much does similarity count in comparison? Do people compare with actual targets, or are all comparisons constructed in people's heads? The problem is that there are many measures of social comparison, and they do not agree well with one another, leading to theoretical proliferation lacking a coherent empirical base. These measures may not agree with one another because of difficulties with the measures themselves (Wood, 1991), because they measure different motives for social comparison (cf. Wood & Taylor, 1991), or because they have been used in different contexts. The one thing on which there is general agreement is that social comparison is a wonderfully flexible process that can best be studied under naturalistic