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Social system

About: Social system is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 2974 publications have been published within this topic receiving 92395 citations.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: By the careful selection of papers and a rich introduction to each section the editors indicate that the patterning of social interaction and their coherence as social systems are internalized within the personality of the individual.
Abstract: This massive tome is designed for college students who seek a broad-based introduction to sociology. This brilliant anthology of original papers constitutes a major revolution in our thinking about the nature and determinants of our society. The various authors established a central theme—a "theory of action" within which sociology as a discipline has a strategic place in the academic community. By the careful selection of papers and a rich introduction to each section the editors indicate that the patterning of social interaction and their coherence as social systems are internalized within the personality of the individual. This text cuts across the bounds of many disciplines. At the central core of the theory of social systems the authors, such as Pareto, Weber, and Durkheim, synthesize economic, political, and nonrational components into a unified whole. Freud, Cooley, Mead, and Thomas provided a sophisticated dimension by integrating and articulating the role of human

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Community Attitude Assessment Scale (CAAS) as mentioned in this paper measures citizens' attitudes toward 15 community Life Areas (e.g., education, employment, and health) on four dimensions-Importance, Influence, Equality of Opportunity, and Satisfaction.
Abstract: The Community Attitude Assessment Scale (CAAS) measures citizens' attitudes toward 15 community Life Areas (e.g., Education, Employment, and Health) on four dimensions-Importance, Influence, Equality of Opportunity, and Satisfaction. Residents generally rate these Life Areas high on Importance and Equality of Opportunity, but feel only limited Satisfaction with them and perceive themselves as having fairly low Influence on their operations. The scale is discussed as an instrument, and in terms of community theory, attitude theory and research, and public policy applications. Stephen J. Fitzsimmons is Vice Preisdent for International Operations, and Thomas E. Ferb is Social Scientist with Abt Associates Inc. of Cambridge, Massachusetts. The research reported here was supported by the National Institute of Education, Washington, D.C., under Contract No. OEC-0-72-5245 with the Experimental Schools program. The comments in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policies of the sponsoring agency. The authors wish to express their appreciation to: Terry Clark, John Delaplaine, Charles Loomis, Irwin Sanders, and Roland Warren for their valuable substantive suggestions; to Don Muse for his assistance throughout the conduct of the survey and in review of the findings; Robert Herriott, Robert Cunningham, and Norman Gold for their support throughout this project; and Peter Desmond, who assisted in the preparation of this article. POQ 41(1977) 356-378 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.225 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 07:15:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms COMMUNITY ATTITUDE ASSESSMENT SCALE 357 Unfortunately, much of the social indicators literature has ignored the potential of using small sample survey research techniques as a means of obtaining primary data.' Consequently, public officials charged with the development and evaluation of social programs are forced to rely on the implications of secondary data (e.g., data on program areas or demographic data). To find out what residents want, they must hold public meetings; these typically are attended by only the more vocal and committed citizens, who thus exercise disproportionate influence. The Community Attitude Assessment Scale (CAAS) described in this article is based on the premise that one cannot determine what citizens want for their community by using secondary social data alone. The CAAS constitutes a simple, inexpensive, and reasonably democratic means for obtaining representative attitudinal data. These data can (1) provide a systematic and democratic opportunity for citizens to express their priorities concerning areas of community life most in need of change; (2) enable program operators to determine whether their efforts to improve specific areas of community life are changing residents' perceptions over time; (3) help policymakers identify specific program needs in particular communities as well as trends across a great many communities; and (4) provide theorists and researchers with important information on how citizens' attitudes compare across communities and how attitudes relate to other social phenomena. This article reports upon both a methodology for the measurement of community attitudes, and substantive findings regarding community attitudinal characteristics. Directions from Policy, Theory, and Research Four perspectives contribute to the development of the approach presented herein-those of public policy, community theory, attitude theory, and research specifically on community-related attitudes. From the public policy perspective, data gathered on social attitudes should contribute to establishing community program priorities, evaluating progress in programs, and redirecting new investment initiatives. Bauer (1966) decries the severe shortage of social information relevant to federal and state policy planning, and Schultze (1971) advocates studying social considerations as a basis for formulation of policy decisions. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (1972) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (1970) have called for specific social data to evaluate programs in education, housing, health, and economic development. Fitzsimmons and Lavey (1976) and Warren (1965) recommend organization of social data which provide information on the status of the life areas or sectors of the community. 1 See especially Wilcox, et al. (1972). However, work currently being conducted by the Survey Research Institute, University of Michigan, constitutes a notable exception (see, for example, Marans & Rodgers, 1974). This content downloaded from 157.55.39.225 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 07:15:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 358 FITZSIMMONS AND FERB Complementing the policy approach is the community theory perspective. Clark (1962), Loomis (1960), Sander (1966), and Warren (1963) stress that data gathered on communities should reflect important social systems which make up a community. Effrat (1973) traces the emergence of the theoretical tradition in sociology of studying community in terms of functions. The theoretical emphasis of all of these authors is on conceptualizing communities as social systems, with focus on the "subsystems" of community. Fitzsimmons and Lavey (forthcoming) and Bernard (1968) both use quantifiable variables, organized into sectors, to describe interdependencies within a community. The same variables which are used to compare and contrast different communities may be used to define a community. From the perspective of attitude theory, Katz (1960), Katz and Stotland (1959), Rokeach (1968), and Scott (1952) stress understanding of the nature of people's attitude toward a social object or situation. A basic operational assumption here is that people form their attitudes toward the community based upon their experiences in that community. Citizens may respond differently to community institutions, depending upon whether or not the institutions function well and meet their needs. Fitzsimmons and Osburn (1968) demonstrate that individuals change their attitudes about social institutions in a manner generally consistent with the information they receive about them. Changes in community institutions may therefore operate to change citizen's attitudes toward them, and vice versa. Finally, from the perspective of community-related attitude research, studies by Bosworth (1970), Davies (1945), Durand and Eckart (1973), Fessler (1973), Jesser (1967), Marans and Rodgers (1974), and the New York State Citizen's Council (1970) indicate that a number of distinct attitude dimensions could be measured with regard to various community institutions. The attempt to assess residents' attitudes toward their community has raised a number of difficult methodological considerations. The first difficulty is defining precisely what is meant by "community." The term "neighborhood," used in other studies reviewed, is also an elastic term, as Lansing and Hendricks (1967) point out. Generally, the research project itself provides the only meaningful definition. A second problem of definition deals with the concept of "satisfaction." Wilson (1962:366) employs the term "livability" and defines it as "the sum total of the qualities of the urban environment which tend to induce in a citizen a state of well-being and satisfaction." Satisfaction, he adds, is assumed to be related to expressions of "appraisal," "pleasure," "liking," and similar feelings. Rojeck (1973) points to the importance of this construct for the general social assessment procedure. First, satisfaction ratings provide important subjective assessments of community conditions that complement various objective social measures. Second, they are important in their own right as a statement of life quality in the comThis content downloaded from 157.55.39.225 on Thu, 09 Jun 2016 07:15:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms COMMUNITY ATTITUDE ASSESSMENT SCALE 359 munity. Satisfaction appears to be a multifaceted concept, related in different ways to different dimensions of community life. In terms of a community instrument, such terms as "satisfaction" and "community" need to be defined operationally, for it is desirable to achieve more standard evaluation procedures.

15 citations

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: This chapter draws on research in voles as well as other rodents to explore the mechanisms involved in individual social behavior processes, as wellAs specific complex social patterns in species exhibiting different complex social behaviors and systems.
Abstract: All mammals begin life in social groups, but for some species, social relationships persist and develop throughout the course of an individual's life. Research in multiple rodent species provides evidence of relatively conserved circuitry underlying social behaviors and processes such as social recognition and memory, social reward, and social approach/avoidance. Species exhibiting different complex social behaviors and social systems (such as social monogamy or familiarity preferences) can be characterized in part by when and how they display specific social behaviors. Prairie and meadow voles are closely related species that exhibit similarly selective peer preferences but different mating systems, aiding direct comparison of the mechanisms underlying affiliative behavior. This chapter draws on research in voles as well as other rodents to explore the mechanisms involved in individual social behavior processes, as well as specific complex social patterns. Contrasts between vole species exemplify how the laboratory study of diverse species improves our understanding of the mechanisms underlying social behavior. We identify several additional rodent species whose interesting social structures and available ecological and behavioral field data make them good candidates for study. New techniques and integration across laboratory and field settings will provide exciting opportunities for future mechanistic work in non-model species.

15 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the scope and limits of property rights are determined by the manner in which contests for control can be resolved within a broader system, which may not have to, be that of a nation state.
Abstract: It is widely recognized that institutions are embedded in social systems and that institutions as well as social systems change over time. Several implications follow: First, institutions cannot be described and analyzed without referring to the system in which they operate; conversely, a system cannot be described without reference to its core institutions. Second, systems foster institutional change and can breed new institutions. Third, institutional change can have systemic implications and may even engender the formation of new systems. In short, the relation between institutions and systems is characterized by complex interactions. A better understanding of the dynamics of institutional change therefore necessitates a synthesis of social system and institutional theories and a re-direction of attention from institutions or systems to interdependencies between them. This paper seeks to develop the building blocks for an integrated theory of social and institutional change. Thematically it focuses on contested property rights. The paper argues that the scope and limits of property rights are determined by the manner in which contests for control can be resolved within a broader system, which may, but does not have to, be that of a nation state. A comparative analysis of transnational property rights cases shall help shed light on the relation between property rights institutions and the system that determines if and how they are realized. These case studies serve as heuristics for generating insights about the dynamics of institutional and systemic change.

15 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
202316
202237
2021111
2020115
2019117
2018122