Topic
Social system
About: Social system is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 2974 publications have been published within this topic receiving 92395 citations.
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TL;DR: Cognitive behavioral family therapy can be used to address the inequality in social systems that negatively affect the family system and an emphasis on societal schemas within the therapy milieu is suggested as a tool to help families see how societal inequality can affect the problems faced in family life.
Abstract: Many families come to therapy struggling with the negative consequence of social inequity. Family therapy modalities have been developed to address these negative consequences and attend to power and social equity (Transformative family therapy: Just families in a just society. Boston, MA: Pearson Education; Socio-emotional relationship therapy. New York, NY: Springer). We argue that many family therapy modalities can be adapted to include social equity (Applying critical social theory in family therapy practice. AFTA Springer Series. New York, NY: Springer Publishing). Specifically, cognitive behavioral family therapy can be used to address the inequality in social systems that negatively affect the family system. We focus on schema formation and suggest an emphasis on societal schemas within the therapy milieu as a tool to help families see how societal inequality can affect the problems faced in family life.
12 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the first five chapters of Niklas Luhmann's book "Funktionen und Folgen formaler Organisation" [functions and consequences of formal organization] were translated into English.
Abstract: This text is a translation of the first five chapters of Niklas Luhmann's book ‘Funktionen und Folgen formaler Organisation’ [Functions and consequences of formal organization], which originally appeared in German in 1964. In contrast to his later works, which rely crucially on the concept of communication, in this text, Luhmann applies an action‐based approach. He defines social systems as consisting of meaningfully interrelated actions that can be distinguished from their environment. Organizations are a specific type of social systems, that is, a social system that orders actions through the formalization of certain expectations. Formal expectations are those that are bound to the membership role and the acceptance of these is the condition for entry into and exit from the organization. Through the generalized member role, an organization is capable of defining highly generalized expectations. Thus, membership becomes the basis for imposing a broad range of specific yet constantly changeable expectations on members.
12 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, Talcott Parsons provides a perspective on societal evolution that may explain why crime rates tend to rise and why adolescents and females tend to be more conspicuous in the crime statistics of more developed societies.
Abstract: Consensual crimes predominate in the crime data of most countries, and consensual crimes are similarly motivated cross-nationally. These two assumptions not only justify comparisons of crime rates from one contemporary society to another, they also suggest that evolutionary studies of changing rates and types of criminality can be meaningful. Talcott Parsons, not usually thought of as a criminologist, provides a perspective on societal evolution that may explain why crime rates tend to rise and why adolescents and females tend to be more conspicuous in the crime statistics of more developed societies. Specifically, personality systems, cultural systems, social systems and behavioral systems become more autonomous in the course of societal evolution. This means that, unless a successful integrative process occurs, each system is capable of increasing crime and altering its character.
12 citations
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TL;DR: In the last decade, Eisenstadt has focused increasingly on the independent role of cultural codes and intellectual carrier groups as instigators of broad social change, and there has been a corresponding shift in Eisenstadt's view of modernity, which he now describes as an inherently fragile social order whose very premises stipulate explosive and endemic efforts to supersede the institutional and cultural frameworks of contemporary social life.
Abstract: In its earlier phases, S. N. Eisenstadt's work revised functionalist theory by focusing on institutions and group interests and on the contingent nature of historical change. In the last decade, as his work has moved from social system to civilizational analysis, Eisenstadt has focused increasingly on the independent role of cultural codes and intellectual carrier groups as instigators of broad social change. In place of institutional strains it is now tensions internal to the cultural maps of diverse civilizations that initially instigate resistance and social movements. There has been a corresponding shift in Eisenstadt's view of modernity, which he now describes as an inherently fragile social order whose very premises stipulate explosive and endemic efforts to supersede the institutional and cultural frameworks of contemporary social life.
12 citations
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TL;DR: Results obtained from agent-based modeling indicate that individualistic cultures are more effective at propagating collective action when one of the two following conditions is met: 1 people have a strong motivation to participate and 2 the connectivity of the social system is low.
Abstract: This study investigates how cultural differences on the individualism-collectivism I-C dimension of social networks influence the outcomes of collective action. Evidence shows that I-C values are indicators of how people construct their social networks and use strong/weak ties as a behavioral reference. Specifically, when compared with individualists, collectivists tend to hold larger strong-tie networks and endow strong ties with greater interpersonal influence. Results obtained from agent-based modeling indicate that individualistic cultures are more effective at propagating collective action when one of the two following conditions is met: 1 people have a strong motivation to participate and 2 the connectivity of the social system is low. In contrast, spread of collective action in collectivistic cultures is more effective when motivation is not strong and the connectivity of the social system is high. These findings call for a serious consideration of the role of culture in collective action. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Complexity 20: 68-77, 2015
12 citations