Showing papers on "Social theory published in 1972"

Toward a Social Theory of Law: An Essay on the Study of Law and Development

Abstract: Law is a practical science. It does not ordinarily dwell on fundamental questions about the social, political, and economic functions of the legal order. Satisfied with implicit working assumptions about these matters, legal thought moves rapidly to more tractable questions. But when law's solutions to social problems fail to satisfy, it becomes necessary to examine the basic theory from which they derive.' This is such an era. In a time when men speak casually of a crisis of law, and ask \"is law dead?\" 2 it is clear that law's role in society has become problematic. Such an age demands a social theory of law. It is now necessary to frame explicit and concise questions on the relationship between law and social life, and to answer these questions by disciplined inquiry. Since the implicit, a priori conclusions about the role of law are no longer valid, we must turn to systematic efforts to understand the relationships among the legal, social, economic, and political orders. In any such effort, comparative research and crosscultural generalization will play a major role. This essay examines one area in which such research has begun, the field of \"law and develop-

Emile Durkheim: Selected Writings

Abstract: This 1972 book is a collection of Durkheim's writings drawing upon the whole body of his work. Dr Giddens takes his selections from a wide variety of sources and includes a number of items from untranslated writings in the Revue Philosophique, Annee Sociologique and from L'evolution pedagogue en France. Selections from previously translated writings have been checked against the originals and amended or re-translated where necessary. Dr Giddens arranges his selections thematically rather than chronologically. However, extracts from all phases of Durkheim's intellectual career are represented, giving the date of their first publication, which makes the evolution of his thought easily traceable. In his introduction Dr Giddens discusses phases in the interpretation of Durkheim's thought, as well as the main themes in his work, with an analysis of the effects of his thinking on modern sociology. The book is for students at any level taking courses in sociology, social anthropology and social theory in which Durkheim is one of the major writers studied.

Anticipated communication and mass media information-seeking

Abstract: T 18HIS INVESTIGATION focuses on the concept of communicatory utility, defined as the anticipated usefulness of information for future informal interaction with family, friends, co-workers and acquaintances. The present report describes findings from an experiment and two secondary analyses relating news media use to interpersonal discussion of news events. While researchers have not specifically tested the link between mass media exposure and expected conversational experiences, many have cited the role of social relationships in understanding why people attend to mass communications.1 The specific interpersonal motive of social prestige from displaying current events knowledge was suggested as an explanation of news seeking behavior by Merton,2 Berelson,3 Wright,4 and Waples, Berelson and Bradshaw.5 1 E.g., Eliot Friedson, "Communications Research and the Concept of the Mass," American Sociological Review, Vol. 18, 1953, pp. 313-317; Matilda Riley and Samuel Flowerman, "Group Relations as a Variable in Communications Research," American Sociological Review, Vol. i6, 1951, pp. 174-180. 2 Merton concluded: "The analysis of the functions of mass communications require prior analysis of the social roles which determine the uses to which these communications can and will be put. Had the social contexts of interpersonal influence not been explored, we could not have anticipated the selection of Time by one type of influential and its rejection by another." Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, New York, The Free Press, 1949, pp. 406-409. 3 Berelson observed: "Another group of readers seem to use the newspaper because it enables them to appear informed in social gatherings. Thus the newspaper has conversational value. Readers not only can learn what has happened and then report it to their associates, but can also find opinions and interpretations for use in discussions of public affairs. It is obvious how this use of the newspaper serves to increase the reader's prestige among his fellows." Bernard Berelson, "What 'Missing the Newspaper' Means," in Paul Lazarsfeld and Frank Stanton, eds., Communications Research, 1948-1949, New York, Harper, 1949, p. 119. 4 Charles Wright, "Functional Analysis and Mass Communication," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 24, 1960, pp. 605-62o. 6 Douglas Waples, Bernard Berelson, and Franklyn Bradshaw, What Reading Does to People, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1940.

The Adolescence of Political Socialization.

Abstract: This article assesses political socialization research in terms of its theoretical adequacy, descriptive findings, and methodology. Research in political socialization has uncovered much about the substance of childhood and adolescent political orientations and also has managed to link some agencies of socialization reliably to particular political attitudes. Major deficiencies include the lack of attention to socialization as a process, the divorce from useful psychological and social theory, and the reliance on restrictive and inadequate methodologies. However, if care is taken research in political socialization can aid educators in the design of curricula and teaching practices.

Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber:

Abstract: can make of this volume. It lacks an index. It often uses the same referent to illustrate different conceptsordifferentpointswithout cross-reference. It concludes with generalizations that are unsubstantiated (e.g., “With games more difficult, labels more dangerous, accounts more problematic . . . risk becomes a feature of everyday life”) and perhaps even untestable. It criticizes functionalism for its own assumptions but is not selfcritical towards its own assumptions, which it should be if it were truly phenomenological. Yet, when allissaidanddone,thisisanexciting volume; and the fact that it is written by two young authors from California may not be fortuitous—at least insofar as this Easterner’s image of California as a source of cultural change, ferment, informality and innovation in sociology and other areas has some basis in reality. There is a freshness and daring in sociologists bothering to draw from contemporary philosophy, from linguistic anthropology, and from literature—the product may not be finished but it indicates a very promising team behind it. Part of the promise is that Lyman and Scott can carry on the microsociological tradition of Cooley, Mead, Blumer and Goffman into new ventures. The onlythingtheyarenot doing, I might suggest, is a sociology of the absurd; rather, it might be better to think of their essays as providing a new and possibly radical conception of political sociology, one based on situational analysis rather than on the more staid institutional analysis. For in their interpretation and perspective, the quest for meaning and identity is more an intersubjective political matter, with power a crucial variable, than anything else. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber, by Anthony Giddens. Cambridge, at the University Press, 1971. 261 pp. $11.00.

Rules of the Game: Cross-disciplinary Essays on Models in Scholarly Thought

Abstract: Burns and Saul Social Theory and Economic Change (1967) Hb: 0-415-26495-2 Cherns et al Social Science and Government: Policies and Problems (1972) Hb: 0-415-26496-0 Collins The Use of Models in the Social Sciences (1976) Hb: 0-415-26497-9 de Kadt and Williams Sociology and Development (1974) Hb: 0-415-26498-7 Friend et al Public Planning (1974) Hb: 0-415-26499-5 Jones Immigration and Social Policy in Britain (1977) Hb: 0-415-26500-2 Parkin The Social Analysis of Class Structure (1974) Hb: 0-415-26501-0 Shanin The Rules of the Game (1972) Hb: 0-415-26502-9 Vickersa Value Systems and Social Process (1968) Hb: 0-415-26503-7 Willener Action Image of Society on Cultural Politicization (1970) Hb: 0-415-26504-5

The Division of Labor in America: An Ecological Analysis

Abstract: The impact of population size, physical density, social density, and age of 600 communities upon the extent of their industrial diversification was analyzed. Hypotheses concerning each independent variable were generated from the theory of the development of the division of labor proposed by Durkheim and subsequently adopted by human ecologists. Regression analysis was employed to test the hypotheses. The standardized partial regression coefficients indicated that only social density exerts a significant impact upon industrial diversification. In addition, it was discovered that the combined influence of the independent variables fails to account for the bulk of the variation in industrial diversification. Factors which may be responsible for these results, as well as directions for future research, are presented and discussed. One of the areas in human ecology where the gap between theory and research is most apparent is in the study of the division of labor. Although the concept itself has received relatively extensive treatment at the theoretical level (Durkheim, 1933; Hawley, 1950; Simmel, 1959:52-62; Smith, 1963:3-17; Spencer, 1921; Stigler, 1951), attempts at operationalization have been rare (Gibbs and Martin, 1962:669). The few studies which have attempted to delineate empirical components of the "division of labor" (e.g., Olsen, 1968:703) generally employ ad hoc operational definitions whose utility is limited to the specific research problem under consideration. One exception to this trend is a series of studies by Gibbs and Martin (1962), Labovitz and Gibbs (1964), Gibbs and Browning (1966), and Browning and Gibbs (1971), endeavoring to measure the division of labor at the national or international level. Unfortunately, beyond these efforts virtually no work has been done to formulate an empirically based theory of functional differentiation. This article attempts to further the development of a grounded theory of the division of labor by testing a series of hypotheses derived from the conceptual scheme proposed by Durkheim (1933) and subsequently adopted by human ecologists. We are cognizant of the many difficulties involved in attempting to provide empirical linkage to the theoretical work of someone like Durkheim (Land, 1970:262; Merton, 1934). Because of the level of generality of Durkheim's explanation it is impossible to give attention to all possible meanings of all constructs and all their implications. What must be done is to extract a logically consistent piece from the more global scheme and empirically examine that statement. Perhaps Land (1970:262) best states the nature of this epistemological problem as well as a possible resolution: "The modern social theorist... can rarely claim to have captured the 'complete' meaning of a classic in his more rigorous restatements of classical social theory. At best, he can choose the goals of his formalization and attempt to show how the classic implies his restatement...." THEORETICAL STATEMENT While a variety of theorists have attempted to delineate the factors involved in the development of the division of labor, the explanation that is most generally accepted today was first proposed by Durkheim (1933) in 1893. Ac[ 176 ] * Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Society, New Orleans, 1972. We are indebted to John Stoeckel and two unidentified readers for their helpful comments on an earlier version. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.101 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 05:49:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Division of Labor / 177 cording to this approach, functional heterogeneity is the consequence of increased physical and social density. With an increase in population size and social interaction, the struggle for existence becomes acute. This intensification of competition stimulates the development of the division of labor. For, with the rise of functional differentiation, homogeneity of demands upon the sustenance supply is minimized and competition is more or less resolved (Lampard, 1955:91; see also Simmel, 1959:53). In explaining the role of competition in stimulating the development of the division of labor, Durkheim drew many of his ideas from the work of Darwin (1958:84-86). Consequently, much of his presentation is exemplified through organic analogies (e.g., 1933: 266). From Durkheim's discussion, however, Hawlcy (1950:202-203) has outlined four general stages that competition follows in the formation of community structure: (1) the demand for sustenance exceeds the supply, (2) there is an increasing degree of homogeneity among competitors, (3) the weakest competitors are eliminated, and (4) organization occurs since competition differentiates and multiplies functions. Hawley's statement lays the groundwork for referring to one of Durkheim's (1933:262) major propositions: The division of labor develops, as there are more individuals in contact to . . . act and react upon one another . . . the division of labor is in direct ratio to moral or dynamic density . . . and, if it progresses in a continuous manner in the course of social development, it is because societies regularly become denser and more voluminous. That the general constellation of variables within which Durkheim worked is essentially the same as that employed by human ecologists (e.g., Hawley, 1950: 192-203; Park, 1936) has been demonstrated by Schnore (1958). In addition, this overlap extends to the more specific conception of the development of the division of labor since Durkheim's propositions have, for the most part, found uncritical acceptance within the theory of ecological organization (Gibbs and Martin, 1962:669). Independent Variables In his discussion of the development of the division of labor Durkheim (1933:262) delineates three major determining factors-population size, physical density, and social density. Because he sets his argument in an evolutionary perspective, a fourth factor-time-can also be said to possess causal implications. While the impact of these four variables has been frequently discussed (Coste, 1899:95-103; McKenzie, 1933:316; Spencer, 1921:471; Stigler, 1951:185; Thompson, 1965:147), it has not been empirically verified although several studies (Keyes, 1958; Marden, 1966; Rogers, 1957) have found a direct association between size and the number of different services or industries extant in a population. And in regard to size, Clemente and Sturgis (1971) discovered a moderate correlation between city population size and one dimension of industrial diversification. Although there has been little other empirical research in the area, on the basis of the theoretical explanations proposed by Durkheim and subsequent human ecologists the following general conceptual hypothesis can

Foundations of political sociology

Abstract: When initially published in 1972, Foundations of Political Sociology was acknowledged to be the first unified study of the field. It still provides a cross-fertilization of knowledge concerning the interrelation of social class and political power. Taking into account new specializations in social theory, the book covers all major social systems on a comparative international basis. The opening remarks prepared for this new printing provide an estimate of how the field has changed during the past quarter century, and what unexpected challenges have arisen in areas of public trust and personal privacy. This book examines fascism, communism, anarchism, conservatism, and liberalism as systems of rule as well as domains of theory. It is thus a unique effort at linking problems of history with problems of policy. The six sections of the book detail the historical and theoretical antecedents of this relatively new hybrid area in social research: policy coordinates of political sociology, types of social systems, forms of political ideologies, polarities of revolution and counter-revolution, civil-military relations, mass vs. elite contradictions, and threads of consensus and conflict running through these themes. "Horowitz presents as his central thesis that in today's world no economic determinism can do justice to social reality. Foundations is the work of a politically sensitive and knowledgeable scholar."--Louis Schneider, Social Forces "Foundations of Political Sociology reflects extensive teaching and research in the area of political sociology. The book combines analytical insight with a provocative cutting edge and represents the best of Professor Horowitz."--Thomas R. McFaul, The Annals "Horowitz's political stance is interesting. Though he knows the radical literature, he distances himself from it. He sympathizes with everyone and strives to be provocative and yet elusive--a personal voice in a dogmatic discipline."--W.J.M. Mackenzie, Political Studies

On Gouldner's Crisis of Western Sociology

Abstract: This is a critical analysis of Gouldner's The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology. It exposes some of the author's misinterpretations of the historical development of social theory and presents evidence drawn largely from the original works of the theorists. It disputes Gouldner's principal conclusion that there is a crisis in academic sociology insofar as this conclusion rests on his faulty reconstruction of social theory. Some contentions this critique opposes to those presented by Gouldner are: sociological positivism took a broader perspective than that toward the utilitarianism of the middle class; the functional theory of classical sociology appeared elsewhere than in contexts characterized by the supremacy of the middle class over the aristocracy; Parsons's theory is not an antideterministic defense of capitalism and does recognize the autonomy of the individual.

Some Methodological Problems in Explaining Social Mobility

Abstract: Orcutt, Guy H., M. Greenberger, J. Korbel, and A. Rivlin 1961 Microanalysis of Socioeconomic Systems: A Simulation Study. New York: Harper and Bros. Palmer, G. 1954 Labor Mobility in Six Cities. New York: Social Science Research Council. Prais, S. J. 1955 "Measuring social mobility." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 118 (Series A):55-66. Rogers, Andrei 1966 "A Markovian analysis of migration differentials." Proceedings, American Statistical Association, Social Science Section 1966. Spilerman, Seymour 1971 "The causes of racial disturbances: Tests of an explanation." American Sociological Review 36:427-442. 1972 "Extensions of the mover-stayer model." American Journal of Sociology 78. November. Stinchcombe, A. 1968 Constructing Social Theories. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World. Taeuber, Karl E., L. Chiazze, Jr., and W. Haenszel 1968 Migration in the United States. Washington: Government Printing Office. Taeuber, K. E. and A. E. Taeuber 1965 Negroes in Cities. Chicago: Aldine. Tarver, Jaries D. and William R. Gurley 1965 "A stochastic analysis of geographic mobility and population projections of the census divisions in the United States." Demography 2:134-139. Thiel, Henri 1970 "On the estimation of relationships involving qualitative variables." American Journal of Sociology 76:103-154.

Systems Analysis and Sociological Theory

Abstract: DAVID L. SALLACH Indiana University Historically, models and analogies have been instrumental in the development of sociological theory. Comte, for example, coined the term "sociology" only because his first choice, social physics, had already been employed by Quetelet. Later, through the work of Spencer, Sumner, Durkheim, and others, the organismic analogy came to occupy a dominant position in early social theory. In social psychology, Lewin's (1951) introduction of terms such as force field, valence, and locomotion reveal his debt to the physical sciences. Most recently, Dewey (1969) has emphasized the growth of the modern theatrical analogy, popularized by Goffman (1959) and Evreinoff (1967), while pointing out its limitations for disciplined analysis. The use of such models is not without value; creative models, em ployed heuristically, frequently provide fresh insight into social processes. Nevertheless, two difficulties characteristically plague model usage. First, there is a tendency for some practitioners to reify the model; second, a model's structured framework is often ill-equipped to provide a systematic analysis of the complexities found in the social world.1 The latter difficulty is exemplified by the inability of functionalism to deal adequately with social change. Despite its theoretical sophistication, modern functionalism continues to employ many of the mechanistic and organismic assumptions of Pareto and Durkheim. The resulting emphasis on system-maintenance and equilibrium has created a static orientation that lends credibility to the criticisms of Lockwood (1956) and Dahrendorf (1958). Efforts to incorporate change into the functional perspective (Canci?n, 1960; Gouldner, 1959), to the extent that they conceptualize change solely as linear progression, seem less than successful.

Where Have all the Social Workers Gone

Abstract: Early Development Australia owes its greatness to its resourcefulness. As in other ventures, social work developed (in the first half of the twentieth century) by using ideas worked out in other places such as the former great powers Britain and America. It was economical to b~orrow from the findings in these countries rather than to study indigenous development. Clearly any research money in Australia had to be used for the pro duction of war weapons, oil and garbage The influence of nineteenth-century Britain was superseded by that of twentiethcentury America and part of the overall Americanisation of Australia was ritual going into retreat at Smith College and University of Michigan, U.S.A., by university faculty members. Some prestige~ seemed to be attached to knowing more about the American scene than the local one.