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Showing papers on "Sovereignty published in 1978"


Book
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The concept of citizenship that achieved full legal form and force in mid-nineteenth-century America had English roots in the sense that it was the product of a theoretical and legal development that extended over three hundred years as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The concept of citizenship that achieved full legal form and force in mid-nineteenth-century America had English roots in the sense that it was the product of a theoretical and legal development that extended over three hundred years. This prize-winning volume describes and explains the process by which the cirumstances of life in the New World transformed the quasi-medieval ideas of seventeenth-century English jurists about subjectship, community, sovereignty, and allegiance into a wholly new doctrine of "volitional allegiance." The central British idea was that subjectship involved a personal relationship with the king, a relationship based upon the laws of nature and hence perpetual and immutable. The conceptual analogue of the subject-king relationship was the natural bond between parent and child. Across the Atlantic divergent ideas were taking hold. Colonial societies adopted naturalization policies that were suited to practical needs, regardless of doctrinal consistency. Americans continued to value their status as subjects and to affirm their allegiance to the king, but they also moved toward a new understanding of the ties that bind individuals to the community. English judges of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries assumed that the essential purpose of naturalization was to make the alien legally the same as a native, that is, to make his allegiance natural, personal, and perpetual. In the colonies this reasoning was being reversed. Americans took the model of naturalization as their starting point for defining all political allegiance as the result of a legal contract resting on consent. This as yet barely articulated difference between the American and English definition of citizenship was formulated with precision in the course of the American Revolution. Amidst the conflict and confusion of that time Americans sought to define principles of membership that adequately encompassed their ideals of individual liberty and community security. The idea that all obligation rested on individual volition and consent shaped their response to the claims of Parliament and king, legitimized their withdrawal from the British empire, controlled their reaction to the loyalists, and underwrote their creation of independent governments. This new concept of citizenship left many questions unanswered, however. The newly emergent principles clashed with deep-seated prejudices, including the traditional exclusion of Indians and Negroes from membership in the sovereign community. It was only the triumph of the Union in the Civil War that allowed Congress to affirm the quality of native and naturalized citizens, to state unequivocally the primacy of the national over state citizenship, to write black citizenship into the Constitution, and to recognize the volitional character of, the status of citizen by formally adopting the principle of expatriation.

114 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The United States' economic and military pre-eminence in the post-war period was established by the defeat of the Axis powers and the devastating toll which the war had exacted on Britain and the European allies as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The end of World War II marked the beginning of fundamental transformations in world affairs. The defeat of the Axis powers and the devastating toll which the war had exacted on Britain and the European allies propelled the United States into a position of economic and military preeminence. However, the United States' power did not go unchallenged. The Soviet Union was able to influence the accession of power of socialist regimes throughout Eastern Europe and Chinese Communists defeated their Western-backed adversaries to gain control of the most populous nation on earth. These events called for an urgent strategy to revitalize the economies of the Western nations. With massive U.S. public and private economic investment, Western Europe and Japan soon recovered from the ravages of war. But World War II ushered in another important change whose global implications would not be felt for some years to come. The weakening of the European powers and the logic of a war effort aimed at preserving self-determination, marked the final collapse of the vast colonial empires of the nineteenth century and the establishment of a multiplicity of states each claiming sovereign and independent status. The "new nations" soon drew the attention of U.S. policymakers concerned with the claim that Marxism presented the best and most logical road to full incorporation into the modem world. They also captured the attention and imagination of U.S. scholars who in the pursuit of knowledge, as well as the desire to influence government policy, began to produce a vast literature on the "developing" nations. For many economists the solution was another Marshall plan designed for the Third World. But other social scientists argued that fundamental differences between the devel

103 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the American Civil War, the fundamental issue of the war was the locus of sovereignty in the political structure that the Constitution of 1787 had formed as discussed by the authors, which was the most acute constitutional crisis.
Abstract: HE American Civil War, whatever else it may have been, was unquestionably America's most acute constitutional crisis. Viewed from this perspective, the fundamental issue of the war was the locus of sovereignty in the political structure that the Constitution of 1787 had formed. Did this document create a union of sovereign states, each of which retained the right to secede at its own discretion? Or did it create a union from which no state, once having joined, could escape except by an extra-constitutional act of revolution? In a Constitution remarkable for its ambiguity on many substantive matters, none was more fateful than its silence on this crucial question. Even the Articles of Confederation, which the nationalists despised, were unequivocal in defining the Union of the states. Their title was "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," and Article XIII stipulated that their provisions "shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the Union shall be perpetual. . . ." Whether the incorporation of these words in the Constitution of 1787 would have been sufficient to prevent the crisis of 1861-1865 is problematic, but at the very least we would have been spared the prolix and convoluted debate over the legality of secession. In returning to the old controversy about the nature of the Union, I am not, of course, exploring one of the neglected problems of American history. The evolution of the doctrine of state sovereignty, from the protests against Alexander Hamilton's economic program to the southern movement for secession, has been thoroughly examined.' The growth of American nationalism in the nineteenth century has also been the subject of numerous studies.2 However, one aspect of nationalist

44 citations


Book
01 Jan 1978

38 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
Kim McQuaid1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors conclude that corporate liberal opinion grew more influential in both corporate and governmental circles during and after the period of World War II, concluding that "big business leaders who believed that intelligent collaboration between business, government, and organized labor was an attainable goal" from World War I through the prosperous 1920s, the despondent 1930s, and the busy and prosperous years ofWorld War II.
Abstract: (i.e., big business leaders who believed that intelligent collaboration between business, government, and organized labor was an attainable goal) from World War I through the prosperous 1920s, the despondent 1930s, and the busy and prosperous years of World War II. He concludes that corporate liberal opinion grew more influential in both corporate and governmental circles during and after the period. Throughout the twentieth century, relations between large corporations and the state have provided vast fields for academic conjecture. The national government grounds its legitimacy in doctrines of citizen sovereignty, natural rights of the individual, mass suffrage, majority rule, and the public accountability of elected officials. But big business, as a system of power, rests upon very different bases. Ascending hierarchies of technological expertise, financial and managerial skill, profitability, and power replace the relatively egalitarian assumptions of a republican political system. Direct mass participation in managerial decision-making is largely non-existent, the various paeans to "stockholder democracy" and "pension fund socialism" notwithstanding. Virtual representation of interests enables corporate leaders to make decisions for their respective clienteles and, presumably, in their best interests. Corporate social responsibility, when and where recognized, has generally assumed that simple profit maximization legitimizes industrial operations.'

33 citations


Book
01 Jan 1978

31 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the seventeenth century, the common law of England represented the "perfection of human reason"; as a result, there was no compelling need or justification for tampering with its intricacies as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: I N the seventeenth century Sir Edward Coke and his disciples believed that the common law of England represented the "perfection of human reason"; as a result, there was no compelling need or justification for tampering with its intricacies. Lawyers participated extensively in the disputes over parliamentary and royal sovereignty but showed little enthusiasm for substantive changes in legal procedure. At times, leaders like Oliver Cromwell and Sir Matthew Hale suggested that law reform was a nice idea but not really practicable or desirable on a large scale. Historians of the law have tended to follow this lead in arguing that the Puritan Revolution had little influence on English law. Sir William Holdsworth's sixteen-volume history of English law devotes only a few pages to law reform during the period of the Civil Wars, the Commonwealth, and the Protectorate. Theodore F. T. Plucknett's survey disposes of the subject in a few sentences.' Traditional legal histories give the impression that law reform and revolution were not proper activities for the gentlemen of the bench and bar. Other historians, however, have devoted more serious attention to the movement for law reform in seventeenth-century England. Several excellent monographs have illuminated the extraordinary variety of legal grievances in Stuart England and the even greater diversity of legal reforms proposed after i640, affecting nearly every dispute at the time about politics, the constitution, society, economics, and religion. Such indispensable studies have pro-

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Kingdom of Heaven runs on righteousness, declared Ernest Bevin during a heated argument in the British Parliament over a distasteful decision in the Middle East, "but the Kingdom of Earth runs on OIL!" If these words were a political reality to Britain in 1948, they would have been embraced with religious fervor by Germany during the period of the Third Reich.
Abstract: "The Kingdom of Heaven runs on righteousness," declared Ernest Bevin during a heated argument in the British Parliament over a distasteful decision in the Middle East, "but the Kingdom of Earth runs on OIL!" If these words were a political reality to Britain in 1948, they would have been embraced with religious fervor by Germany during the period of the Third Reich. Without oil, and the fuel and lubricants which are produced from oil, every form of mechanized transportation, heating, and military defense is paralyzed. Any nation in that position becomes utterly dependent upon foreign sources for its life's blood and, in effect, surrenders its sovereignty. For Germany, between 1919 and 1945, the question of oil-its production, importation, synthesization, stockpiling, allocation, and consumptionoccupied a status which was second only to the survival of the political state. History proved that these priorities were not, in fact, in error, for with the destruction of the fuel industry, the collapse of the state was virtually assured. Germany's preoccupation with fuel, however, and its crucial relationship to the state, became a reality as a result of the First World War.

17 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the first general election in Indonesia, a large number of parties competed for 257 seats in Parliament and four were successful: the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), with 22.3% of the votes and 57 seats; the Masyumi, a modernist Muslim party, with 20.9% of vote and 57 votes; the Nahdatul Ulama (NU), a more conservative Islamic party with 18.4% and 45 seats; and the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) with 16.4%, and 39 seats as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: the cause of this tension was the difference between what the government said and what it did, between the stated commitment to build Panca Sila Democracy and the general perception of few-holds-barred manipulations designed to ensure government victory and opposition defeat. The effect was that, despite a 62% popular majority, the government's goal of maintaining its right to rule through electoral processes was not achieved. Ongoing conflicts over leadership, policies, and constitutional issues have thus not been resolved and indeed have been only marginally influenced (probably to the disadvantage of the present government) by the campaign and its outcome. Establishing Legitimate Government in Indonesia In liberal democratic theory, elections are'the link between the principle of popular sovereignty and the practice of government by a small number of officials. Citizens choose their leaders and, through those choices, decide on the substantive issues of the day. Assurance that election results reflect the people's will is provided by a set of guarantees ? usually contained in a constitution or other basic law ?concerning freedoms of speech, press and assembly, election procedures, an independent judiciary, and so on. These rules are accepted by politicians as a given of the system in which they operate and constitute an essential constraint on their behaviour. From the early days of Indonesian nationalism, popular sovereignty has been the generally accepted legitimating principle of government. The 1950 Constitution, on which the first posttransfer of sovereignty governments was based, expressed this principle in liberal democratic terms. An elected Parliament and a cabinet chosen by majority rule were the central institutions of government. In the first general election in 1955, a large number of parties competed for 257 seats in Parliament. Four were successful: the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), with 22.3% of the votes and 57 seats; the Masyumi, a modernist Muslim party, with 20.9% of the vote and 57 seats; the Nahdatul Ulama (NU), a more conservative Islamic party, with 18.4% and 45 seats; the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) with 16.4% and 39 seats. No other party won more than 8 seats (Herbert Feith, The Indonesian Elections of 1955, Ithaca,

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an analysis of corporate representation in India and reveal how and why it is limited by the structure of the Indian economy and society and expose lacunae in corporate theory's taxonomy of types of representation.
Abstract: THE AUTHORITARIAN REGIME that Mrs. Gandhi brought into being under the emergency used corporate forms of representation to enhance its ability to control and direct policy and political behavior. Our analysis of corporate representation in India reveals how and why it is limited by the structure of the Indian economy and society and exposes lacunae in corporate theory's taxonomy of types of representation. Although representation helped Mrs. Gandhi to create a "harder" state, she also turned to a larger, more ambitious enterprise to consolidate an authoritarian regime, a version of "stateness"I inspired in part by continental European ideas and practice. The most significant doctrine for advancing stateness-parliamentary supremacy-was promoted initially to overcome the use of judicial review by the Supreme Court to block redistributionist policies but, in the end, it became a euphemism for supplanting voter sovereignty by state sovereignty. We conclude by suggesting that the Janata government, which supplanted thirty years of Congress rule in March 1977, may very well selectively use elements of corporatist representation and stateness to enable it to combine liberty with order.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline the characteristics of one very important class of Southeast Asian law texts, the "Indian-derived" law texts and show that the idea of law exhibited in the texts, while dependent upon such basic Indian ideas as "duty" (dharma), is not only differently defined in the various cultures of “Indianized” Southeast Asia but transcends such limited legal definitions as “rules” or “coercion.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to outline the characteristics of one very important class of Southeast Asian law texts—the “Indian-derived.” In the process, it may be possible to throw light on some basic questions such as the nature of State, and the definition of sovereignty in medieval Southeast Asia. The texts are important examples of the adaptation of Indian legal culture in new environments. I hope to show that the idea of law exhibited in the texts, while dependent upon such basic Indian ideas as “duty” (dharma), is not only differently defined in the various cultures of “Indianized” Southeast Asia but transcends such limited legal definitions as “rules” or “coercion.” Law instead rests upon native concepts, giving rise to rules of conduct that ought, to be observed by reason of social condition. It is among these rules that law is to be found; law is an aspect of dharma, the definition of which varies from one law text to another. It is ultimately concerned with a definition of obligation that is simultaneously suitable in local terms and consonant with absolute principles derived from the Indian texts.


01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The Anatomy of an Explosion, 1950-1962, described the background and the first two years of the armed struggle for Angolan independence as mentioned in this paper, and left its readers eagerly awaiting the sequel.
Abstract: The first volume of this work, subtitled "The Anatomy of an Explosion, 1950-1962, " described the background and the first two years of the armed struggle for Angolan independence. It was published in 1969, and left its readers eagerly awaiting the sequel. Thus, a reviewer in the "Journal of Modern African Studies" wrote that ..".this volume was a joy to read. Its contribution to a fuller understanding of Portuguese Africa is immense, especially in light of the meager literature in English. MIT Press will publish a second volume, which will bring us beyond 1962, and I, for one, would not miss it for all the coffee in Angola." And another scholar, writing in the "American Historical Review, " concluded that "Professor Marcum's able study of the struggle for Angolan independence in 1962 is not likely to be easily replaced for quite some time to come. Everyone interested in this struggle will eagerly look forward to his second volume that brings the story through the sixties."The second volume narrates how Angola won her independence from Portugal in 1975, traces the course of the continuing conflict among revolutionary groups to its effectively final outcome, and ends as Angola gains worldwide recognition as a sovereign and (tenuously) unified nation.This new volume fully meets the expectations aroused by its predecessor, with its scrupulous linking of events and evidence. Moreover, since the historical incidents leading to the "denouement" are intrinsically more dramatic than those of the early years of the struggle, the second volume possesses a heightened narrative drive, enabling the reader to keep up with the quickening and sometimes confusing pace of events.Marcum thoroughly documents the rival revolutionary parties--based as much on ethnicity as on ideology--that fought the Portuguese and each other. (Two major movements were active in the field up to 1966, when a third party emerged as a full contender.) The origin, programs, leadership, and structure of these parties are examined in considerable detail, including the extent to which their guerrilla operations were controlled by exiled insurgents. The book explores the transterritorial relations among the parties and their interaction with external powers, both before the collapse of Portuguese rule and during the civil war that followed. In particular, Marcum traces the shifting patterns of political and material support provided to the various factions by contiguous African nations, the United States, China, the Soviet Union, Cuba, and others, especially during the final phase of the struggle. The reportorial and scholarly sources referenced here make the civil war understandable--and demonstrate the extent of its predictability, if not its inevitability.

01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: A proposal for a world ocean management authority is presented in this article.This proposal proposes an alternative ocean management authority to meet the challenge of the MANAGEMENT and UTILIZATION of COLLECTIVE OCEAN ACTIVITIES.
Abstract: A PROPOSAL FOR A WORLD OCEAN MANAGEMENT AUTHORITY: AS AN ALTERNATIVE OCEAN REGIME TO MEET THE CHALLENGE OF THE MANAGEMENT AND UTILIZATION OF COLLECTIVE OCEAN ACTIVITIES


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the Territorial sovereignty and the status of Antarctica were discussed. But they did not consider the impact of Antarctica on Australia's economic and social development. Australian Outlook: Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 117-129.
Abstract: (1978). Territorial sovereignty and the status of Antarctica. Australian Outlook: Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 117-129.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a follow-up study of 83 Jamaican leaders after twelve years of nationhood, the authors concluded that attitudes towards political independence have become considerably more favourable. But they did not identify the main reasons for this change.
Abstract: In a follow-up study of 83 Jamaican leaders after twelve years of nationhood, we conclude that attitudes towards political independence have become considerably more favourable. The theory linking social structural inequalities and favourable judgements of equality as joint eauses of nationalist attitudes which had been formulated to account for the I962 pre-independence relationships fits the data in post-independence I974 too, but not as well as before the explained variance in attitude towards independence going from 57 to 25 per cent. Additionally, path models reflect some important changes in the structural and ideational sources of attitlldinal variation, espeeially the disproportionate increase in nationalist attitudes among economic dominants, the wealthiest leaders, and leaders with unfavourable attitudes towards equality. Another change was the new development of Restive Nationalists, elites who were more likely than other leaders to think that political independence had not gone far enough in producing structural change, that problems such as poverty and economic inequality had not been reduced adequately, that more radical changes were needed, and that such changes were not possible under a democratic political regime nor under an economy dependent on international capitalism. No period in history has seen the formation of so many new states as that since the Second World War. For 24 years, from I943 to I966, there was an average of about two and one-half new states created each year, more than one every five months for a total of 6I by I966.1 By I977 the total exceeded 80. The thunderous cries of 'Freedom' and 'Equality' and the jubilant celebrations held on tlle eve of imperialist departure and the raising of the new flag were testaments to the widespread belief among rnany of the new citizens that political independence would be beneficial for them. Prior to independence, the question of national sovereignty was a burning issue. However, mingled with the hopes of the nationalists and the favourable images of the future national society they created were This content downloaded from 207.46.13.158 on Wed, 16 Nov 2016 04:27:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Attitudes towards political inde7endence in jtamaica . . . fears expressed by other voices. Often, the well-to-do classes under 209 colonialism, the descendants of the European ruling classes, and differentiated tribal or racial minorities, among others, anticipated more ill-treatment from local nationalists than they had received from the European imperialists. Frequently, they opposed the transition from colony to independent state or tried to delay it as long as possible. In this paper we ask about the fate of such hopes and fears in one new state, Jamaica, after twelve years of nationhood. Specifically, (I) we report changes in elite attitudes towards political independence from just prior to independence to twelve years later. (2) We test for the post-independence period the 'egalitarian revolution' theory of nation formation constructed to explain pre-independence relationships; that is, we ask if the structural and ideational sources of support and opposition to political independence are the same as they were and, if not, how they have changed. And (3) we search for emergent developments in the nature of elite attitudes, new responses after twelve years of nationhood that did not exist before. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND A major conclusion of earlier work on the new states of the Caribbean is that political independence was primarily a means, an organizational tool, to achieve the end of a more egalitarian society.2 There are at least two senses in which this was so. The first was the desire to achieve the status of 'citizen' equal to that of the peoples of already existing independent states, and the second was the desire to achieve distributional reforms, social justice, and more equal rights for people within the new states as well. The nationalist revolution of our time is thus viewed as a manifestation of the demand for equality within an inegalitarian social structure, both nationalism and equality being traced by Bell and Moskos, using the works of other scholars,3 to the eighteenth-century foundations of modern nationalism and the Age of Enlightenment in Western Europe and its North American settlements. Whether or not the master underlying trend is more properly thought of as a 'democratic' or an 'egalitarian' revolution, of course, depends in part on the historical period one is considering. For the formation of the older states, political democracy was of more relevance than questions of economic and social equality. Most true nationalists during the American Revolution, for example, regarded themselves as republicans, advocating a system of government in which officials derived their authority from an electorate (of varying sizes) and assumed that the legitimacy of government rested on 'the people's will'. Even Sam Adams 'who was accused of preferring the company of ropewalkers to men of his own station' would not have understood the demand for economic and socia] equality that was often mixed with-and frequently


Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: With a few exceptions the Nine national parliaments adopted both their constitutional role and their legislative procedures many years ago as mentioned in this paper and faced vastly different problems from those which challenge them today.
Abstract: With a few exceptions the Nine’s national parliaments adopted both their constitutional role and their legislative procedures many years ago. Then, both the parliaments and the political systems within which they operated faced vastly different problems from those which challenge them today. Since the end of the Second World War the following — and this is no more than a partial catalogue of such events — have radically affected the viability of legislative institutions: the increase of bureaucratic involvement in the initiation and implementation of public policy; the increased size and ever-expanding role of central government; the increasing importance of international organisations, agencies and bodies and the implications these have had for national sovereignty; the growth of multinational corporations and the problems of controlling their activities and ensuring their responsibility; the tendency of governments to consult with pressure groups and interested organisations before a measure is drafted and introduced into the legislature; and so on. By far the most important of these events lies in the fact that governments have, over the years, taken on an ever-expanding array of tasks: this point is typically illustrated by reference to increase in phenomena such as the level of government expenditure, the quality and quantity of enacted legislation and delegated legislation, the number of local and national civil servants, etc.1


Book ChapterDOI
01 Oct 1978
TL;DR: In 1721, a squadron of the Royal Navy was sent to the Indian Ocean to suppress some European pirates who had been molesting local shipping, its commander, Commodore Mathews, demanded that the ships should strike their pennants to him and that he should receive the first salutes from the land settlements.
Abstract: The political objectives and ideology In 1721 when a squadron of the Royal Navy was sent to the Indian Ocean to suppress some European pirates who had been molesting local shipping, its commander, Commodore Mathews, demanded that the Company's ships should strike their pennants to him and that he should receive the first salutes from the land settlements. The Bombay Council protested to the authorities at home that these instructions, if they were official, lessened the status of the Company's servants in the eyes of the Indian political rulers. For the President of Bombay had always appeared in India as a public minister and the king's governor. The statement highlights an important aspect of the Company's trading methods in Asia. The claim made by Bombay could not of course be sustained in a strictly legal sense, but it bears witness to a de-facto position in which the distinction between delegated political power and direct representation of national sovereignty was not always observed in practice. This is not to say that questions of legitimacy and diplomatic protocol were unimportant in Asian political order. From the point of view of Mughal officers who had to deal with the English and Dutch East India Companies, it made little difference whether the political power possessed by the Companies was direct or indirect. What mattered to them was the indisputable fact that the European traders were totally different from any other Asian commercial groups with whom they came into contact.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The starting position is of course that any kind of intervention can only originate from the Western industrialized countries and never from the Soviet Union and the other CMEA countries are not willing to meet concrete demands for the reform as far as they are concerned as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Insofar as the New International Economic Order (NIEO) is aimed at strengthening the national sovereignty of the developing countries, at eliminating their dependence upon external “imperialist“ markets, the Eastern bloc does indeed give very concrete expression to its support. The starting position is of course that any kind of intervention can only originate from the Western industrialized countries and never from the Soviet Union and the other CMEA countries are not willing to meet concrete demands for the reform as far as they are concerned.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The South African commitment to racial separation is well-known as discussed by the authors, despite the substantial propaganda of apologists for the system, is the transmutation of the negative commitment to apartheid into an affirmative effort to foster and guide what the Government labels "separate development".
Abstract: The South African commitment to racial separation is well-known. The deep historic roots of apartheid, the religious fervour with which it is justified by its proponents, and the rapidly growing weight of criticism by which it is condemned throughout the world have served to make it a familiar ideology and policy. Less well-known is the extent to which separation in a relatively superficial, transient context – in stores, theatres, parks, some hotels and restaurants – has been eroded in recent years. Least familiar, despite the substantial propaganda of apologists for the system, is the transmutation of the negative commitment to apartheid into an affirmative effort to foster and guide what the Government labels ‘separate development’. One of the most significant achievements thus far of this policy was the birth on 26 October 1976 of Transkei, presented to a doubting world by its South African parent as a sovereign, independent nation in which its African citizens could work out their destiny, just as the dominant white population of the Republic of South Africa assert an entitlement to realise their own.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The concept of a new international economic order remains ambiguous not only in the sphere of economies, but also from a juridical point of view as discussed by the authors, which has already been demonstrated, but it is still too early to say which of these approaches will hold away.
Abstract: The concept of a new international economic order remains ambiguous not only in the sphere of economies, which has already been demonstrated, but also from a juridical point of view. To further explore the latter aspect, the author considers the principal texts treating the new international economic order and seeks to identify the juridical bases thereof. Three main trends emerge : the first propounds a very absolutist conception of sovereignty, the second invokes the world government model, and the third, claiming middle ground between the previous two, aims toward a regrouping of individual sovereignties within collective structures better able to safeguard common interests. But it is still too early to say which of these approaches will hold away. For the moment, the current legal order obtains with, at the very most, some adjustments.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The behavioral method has been widely criticized in the United States and abroad as mentioned in this paper, with the charge that it gives insufficient emphasis to the role of social and economic factors in political culture and political processes.
Abstract: DURING THE PAST 25 years many advances have been made in gaining a more accurate understanding of the politics of sovereign nation-states. In addition to other developments in political analysis, behavioral studies have contributed much in focusing attention on many elements of the political system which had been previously ignored. In the field of comparative politics, this new methodology sought to look beyond description to theoretically relevant problems in political research. It endeavored to go beyond the single case study to the comparison of many case studies. It extended political analysis beyond the formal institutions of government to "extra-official" phenomena in the political culture and political processes. Very important, this trend broadened the study of comparative politics from the industrialized nations in North America and Western Europe to economically underdeveloped nations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Behavioralism in varying degrees likewise applied an interdisciplinary approach to the study of politics and incorporated politically relevant influences imparted by economic and social factors. The behavioral method has been widely criticized in the United States and abroad. Traditionalists and other critics have confronted the movement with the charge that it gives insufficient emphasis to the role