Showing papers on "Sovereignty published in 1999"

Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society

Abstract: Introduction to the Second Edition Basic Concepts and Themes Government and Governmentality An Analytics of Government Analyzing Regimes of Government Genealogy and Governmentality Genealogy and Government Liberalism, Critique and 'the Social' Neo-Liberalism and Foucault Dependency and Empowerment: Two Case Studies Dependency Empowerment Conclusion Pastoral Power, Police and Reason of State Pastoral Power Reason of State and Police Conclusion Bio-Politics and Sovereignty Bio-Politics Sovereignty and the Governmentalization of the State Liberalism Economy Security Law and Norm Society and Social Government Authoritarian Governmentality The Illiberality of Liberal Government Bio-Politics, Race and Non-Liberal Rule Neo-Liberalism and Advanced Liberal Government Society, Freedom and Reform Advanced Liberal Government A Post-Welfarist Regime of the Social Risk and Reflexive Government Two Approaches to Risk Risk and Reflexive Modernization Insurance and Government Reflexive Government International Governmentality Foucault and the International Building on Foucault Conclusion: 'Not Bad... but Dangerous' Postscript to the Second Edition: The Crisis of Neo-Liberal Governmentality?

Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy

Abstract: Acknowledgments ix CHAPTER ONE Sovereignty and Its Discontents 3 CHAPTER TWO Theories of Institutions and International Politics 43 CHAPTER THREE Rulers and Ruled: Minority Rights 73 CHAPTER FOUR Rulers and Ruled: Human Rights 105 CHAPTER FIVE Sovereign Lending 127 CHAPTER SIX Constitutional Structures and New States in the Nineteenth Century 152 CHAPTER SEVEN Constitutional Structures and New States after 1945 184 CHAPTER EIGHT Conclusion: Not a Game of Chess 220 References 239 Index 255

Re-imagining political community : studies in cosmopolitan democracy

Abstract: List of Contributors. Introduction Daniele Archibugi, David Held and Martin Kohler. Part 1. The Transformation of the Interstate System. 1. Democracy and Globalization: David Held. 2. Governance and Democracy in a Globalizing World: James N. Rosenau. 3. Human Rights as a Model for Cosmopolitan Democracy: David Beetham. 4. The Global Democracy Deficit: an Essay in International Law and its Limits: James Crawford and Susan Marks. 5. Reconceptualizing Organized Violence: Mary Kaldor. Part II: Citizenship, Sovereignty and Transnational Democracy. . 6. Citizenship and Sovereignty in the post--Westphalian European State: Andrew Linklater. 7. Citizenship in the EU -- A Paradigm for Transnational Democracy?: Ulrich K. Preuss. 8. Between Cosmopolis and Community: Three Models of Rights and Democracy within the European Union: Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione. 9. Community Identity and World Citizenship: Janna Thompson. 10. Principles of Cosmopolitan Democracy: Daniele Archibugi. Part III: The Prospects of Cosmopolitan Democracy. . 11. From the National to the Cosmopolitan Public Sphere: Martin Kohler. 12. Refugees: a Special Case for Cosmopolitan Citizenship?: Pierre Hassner. 13. Global Security Problems and the Challenge to Democratic Process: Gwyn Prins and Elizabeth Sellwood. 14. Democracy in the United Nations System Cosmopolitan and Communitarian Principles: Derk Bienen, Volker Rittberger and Wolfgang Wagner. 15. The United Nations and Cosmopolitan Democracy: Bad Dream, Utopian Fantasy, Political Project: Richard Falk. Index.

"Constructing Europe? The Evolution of French, British, and German Nation-State Identities"

Abstract: This article tackles the following puzzle. Why is it that we cannot observe much Europeanization of 'Anglo-Saxon exceptionalism' over the past fifty years, while 'Germanness' has spelt European since the end of the 1950s and 'French exceptionalism', at least recently, also comes in European colours? We argue that a combination of three factors accounts for this variation in the extent to which nation state identities have become European. The first condition is that any new idea about political order, in order to be considered legitimate, must resonate with core elements of older visions of the political order such as 'state-centred republicanism' in France, 'parliamentary democracy and external sovereignty' in Great Britain, and 'federalism, democracy and social market economy' in Germany. These older understandings of political order therefore delimit the degree to which 'Europe' can be incorporated in given nation state identities. The second condition is that new visions about political order circulat...

Globalization and Public Administration

Abstract: This article discusses globalization and its implications for public administration. Using a political economy approach, an analysis is made of the different meanings and perspectives of globalization, of the causes and consequences of globalization, and of the underpinnings or constitutive elements of globalization, a phenomenon that is all-embracing with transworld and for-reaching implications for society, governance, and public administration. Causes of globalization are discussed, such as the economic factors of surplus accumulation, corporate reorganization, shift of corporate power structure, global money and financialization, global state and administration, domestic decline, rising human expectations, innovations, and global supranational organizations such as the United Nations. Consequences of globalization are discussed, including the positive impact such as continuity and persistence of the state and public administration, but also its negative consequences such as threat to democracy and community, increasing corruption, and elite empowerment. Then a discussion is made of the converging, hegemonic global order with a question of possible counterohegemonic model that might alter the dominant world order. Finally, the article presents a number of significant implications--positive and negative--for public administration as a theory and practice, from both American and comparative/international perspectives. Introduction As the new millennium approaches, a new civilization is dawning. The qualitative changes of this civilization have been the subject of many studies. For example, Huntington (1996) speaks of the "clash of civilizations," Fukuyama (1992) predicts "the end of history and man," and Korbin (1996) indicates a "return back to medievalism." The hallmark of this change is the process of globalization, through which worldwide integration and transcendence take place, evoking at least two different intellectual responses. On one hand there are those who argue that the growth of transnational corporations, in particular because of their "state-indifferent" nature, and the spread of global capitalism have made state irrelevant or even obsolescent (Ball, 1967; Naisbitt, 1994; Ohame, 1995). Some think of it as even the end of work (Rifkin, 1975) and of public administration (Stever, 1988). Others believe that global capitalism has led to the generation of suprastate governing agencies that are supplementing, if not supplanting, the territorial nation-states (Picciotto, 1989; Cox, 1993; Korten, 1995). Still others have suggested that this also has eroded the sense of community and urban power structure (Mele, 1996; Knox, 1997; Korten, 1995), causing the loss of urban jobs (Wilson, 1996). They also warn that the merging of the supranational governance agencies has deepened the dependency of less developed countries, exacerbated their fiscal crises, and created a serious problem of governability in those nations (Kregel, 1998). On the other hand, some public administrators and public-policy analysts have predicted that global corporations will create a world order beyond nation-states (Reich, 1991), that is, a "global village" (Garcia-Zamor and Khator, 1994), a "world government" with "global management" (Wilson, 1994). Some theorists have even attempted to develop a universal, global theory of public administration (Caiden, 1994). Others have vocally refuted the idea of the end of the state and have argued for the persistence of the nation-states with all the concomitant implications for public administration (Caiden, 1994; Heady, 1996; Scholte 1997). Hirst and Thompson (1996), Zysman (1996), and Boyer and Drache (1996) have argued that globalization has been exaggerated and that states remain strong in the crucial functions of governance. Some realists in the international relations tradition have argued that "de facto [state] sovereignty has been strengthened rather than weakened" (Krasner 1993, 318). …

Questioning Sovereignty: Law, State, and Nation in the European Commonwealth

Abstract: 1. The Legal Framework: Institutional Normative Order 2. The State and the Law 3. The Interest of the State and the Rule of Law 4. The United Kingdom: What State? What Constitution? 5. The Benthamite Constitution: Decline and Fall? 6. A Very British Revolution? 7. Juridical Pluralism and the Risk of Constitutional Conflict 8. On Sovereignty and Post-Sovereignty 9. Democracy and Subsidiarity in the European Environment 10. Some Questions of Freedom 11. A Kind of Nationality 12. New Unions for Old

Who Speaks for Europe? The Delegation of Trade Authority in the EU*

Abstract: Although the Member States of the European Union (EU) have long since relinquished their power to act as autonomous actors in international trade negotiations, they have now chosen to regain some of their lost trade sovereignty. Neither the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ’s) 1994 opinion, nor the 1997 reform of the trade policy process at Amsterdam delegated full negotiating authority to the Commission over the ‘new trade issues’ of services and intellectual property. Instead, Member States settled on a hybrid form of decision-making to enable ad hoc rather than structural delegation of competence. Was this a rollback of EU competence? If so, why has it occurred in the EU’s oldest and most successfully integrated, policy sector? A shift in the perceived trade-off between economic interests and ideological bias on the part of key Member States can explain such a change. This article also explores the consequences for the future conduct of the EU’s trade policy and its influence in shaping the world political economy, as well as for the evolving pattern of federal allocation of jurisdiction in the EU.

The Imperial Peace: Democracy, Force and Globalization

Abstract: To date, the only account of the `zone of peace' among states in the core of the international system is that found in the democratic peace debates. We rework the conceptual parameters through which the object of analysis — the zone of peace — is defined in the democratic peace debates. Specifically, we historicize the concepts — `democracy' and `war' — that enable the identification of zones of peace and war, and contextualize those histories in processes of globalization. This enables us to offer an alternative account of the emergence of zones of peace and war in the international system and of the central unit of analysis in the democratic peace debates, the sovereign and territorial liberal democratic state. This account conceives of the international system as a whole and recognizes the mutually constitutive character of relations between the zones. It opens up a research agenda focused not on why democratic states do not war with one another but on the international relations of democracy and war.

Changing Paradigms of Citizenship and the Exclusiveness of the Demos

Abstract: Three distinct components of the citizenship principle have been identified in the literature: a political principle of democracy, a juridical status of legal personhood and a form of membership and political identity. The modern paradigm of citizenship was based on the assumption that these components would neatly map onto one another on the terrain of the democratic welfare state. Globalization, new forms of transnational migration, the partial disaggregation of state sovereignty and the development of human rights regimes have rendered this model anachronistic. Only if the various elements of the citizenship principle are disaggregated and reinstitutionalized on independent levels of governance, some national, some supranational, will the exclusiveness constitutive of the ideal of citizenship be tempered with the demands of justice.

Putting the State on the Map: Cartography, Territory, and European State Formation

Abstract: Looking at any wall map or atlas, we see a world composed of states. The earth's surface is divided into distinct state territories. Each is demarcated by a linear boundary, an edge dividing one sovereignty from the next. The division is accentuated when each territory is blocked out in a separate color from neighboring states, implying that its interior is a homogeneous space, traversed evenly by state sovereignty. Our world is a jigsaw of territorial states, and we take this picture for granted. Thus our historical atlases show medieval Christendom also divided into demarcated and homogeneous territories, though perhaps less neatly (see, for example, McEvedy 1992). Only the configuration is different. Familiar to us, such a depiction would have been utterly unknown to people at the time, who rarely used maps to represent geographical information and did not imagine states (or rather realms) as enclosed spaces. The transformation of their world into ours—the way the state was put on the map—is the subject of this essay.

Political Theory: An Introduction

Abstract: 1. What is Political Theory? 2. Human Nature, the Individual and Society 3. Politics, Government and the State 4. Sovereignty, the Nation and Transnationalism 5. Power, Authority and Legitimacy 6. Democracy, Representation and the Public Interest 7. Law, Order and Justice 8. Rights, Obligation and Citizenship 9. Freedom, Toleration and Identity 10. Equality, Social Justice and Welfare 11. Property, the Market and Planning 12. Security, War and World Order 13. Tradition, Progress and Utopia

States and strangers : refugees and displacements of statecraft

Abstract: Refugees may flee their country, but can they escape the confining, defining logic of all the voices that speak for them? As refugees multiply in our troubled world, more and more scholars, studies, and pundits focus on their plight. Most of these attempts, says Nevzat Soguk, start from a model that shares the assumptions manifested in traditional definitions of citizen, nation, and state. Within this hierarchy, he argues, a refugee has no place to go. States and Strangers questions this paradigm, particularly its vision of the territoriality of life.A radical retheorization of the refugee from a Foucauldian perspective, the book views the international refugee regime not as a simple tertiary response, arising from the practice of states regarding refugee problems, but as itself an aspect of the regimentation of statecraft. The attendant discourse negates the multiplicity of refugee events and experience; by assigning the refugee an identity -- someone without the citizen's grounding within a territorial space -- the state renders him voiceless and deprives him of representation and protection. States and Strangers asks how this happens and how it can be avoided.Using historical, archival research and interpretive strategies drawn from a genealogical approach, Soguk considers the role of the refugee in the emergence and maintenance of the sovereign territorial state from the late seventeenth century to contemporary times.

States and sovereignty in the global economy

Abstract: Globalization and the role of the state are issues at the forefront of contemporary debates. With editors and contributors of outstanding academic repututation this exciting new book presents an unconventional and radical perspective. Revealing that states do still matter despite the vigour of international capital flows and the omnipresence of the global market, the chapters in this collection controversially highlight that how states matter Depends upon their differing roles in the global economy and geopolitical system.

Sovereignty in World Politics: A Glance at the Conceptual and Historical Landscape:

Abstract: Sovereignty is one of the foremost institutions of our world: it has given political life a distinctive constitutional shape that virtually de®nes the modern era and sets it apart from previous eras. As A. P. d'Entreves puts it: `The importance of the doctrine of sovereignty can hardly be overrated. It was a formidable tool in the hands of lawyers and politicians, and a decisive factor in the making of modern Europe.' And not only Europe: in the past century or two sovereignty has become a cornerstone of modern politics around the world. Sovereignty expresses some core ideas of political modernity including the fundamentally important notion of political independence. It was originally an institution of escape from rule by outsiders and to this day it remains a legal barrier to foreign interference in the jurisdiction of states. The basic norm of the UN Charter (Article 2) enshrines the principle of equal sovereignty and its corollary, the doctrine of non-intervention. The institution is, shall we say, a basic element of the grammar of politics. It exists as a normative postulate or premise or working hypothesis of modern political life. It may not always be explicitly acknowledged as such and may, like an iceberg, be mostly hidden from view. But it silently frames the conduct of much of modern politics nevertheless. Sovereignty is like Lego: it is a relatively simple idea but you can build almost anything with it, large or small, as long as you follow the rules. The British (English) used sovereignty to separate themselves from the medieval Catholic world (Latin Christendom). Then they used it to build an empire that encircled the globe. Then they used it to decolonize and thereby created a multitude of new states. It has other uses besides these. My purpose is to investigate sovereignty in international relations in basic outline. Limitations of space dictate that this essay can only be an abridgement of a large historical subject. The main questions, although by no means the only ones, that can and I believe should be asked of sovereignty are the following: What is sovereignty? What is its character and modus operandi ? Who are the principals and agents of sovereignty? Who are the subjects of sovereignty? What would be involved in going beyond sovereignty in world politics? What are the values that sovereignty can be seen to uphold and defend? The remainder of the essay is devoted to suggesting some responses to these questions, starting with the ®rst and ending with the last.

Challenge to the Nation-State: Immigration in Western Europe and the United States

Abstract: Challenge to the Nation-State: Immigration in Western Europe and the United States Christian Joppke, Editor New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. 360 pp. In highly developed Western countries, popular notions run rampant about a weakening of the nation-state's sovereignty. Among the state's supposed destroyers are: post-modern economic globalism, tribalistic ethnic nationalism, pressures for international human rights, and supranational imperatives. These 'challenges to the nation-state' are given thorough examination and critique in this edited volume on immigration and immigration policy in the U.S. and countries of the European Union. Though the tide may lead the reader to believe odierwise, the volume asserts that the nationstate, in fact, is not in decline, and does not face any serious challenge to its existence from international migration. All chapters are well referenced and are grounded primarily in the examination of immigration politics and law, de jure and de facto, in the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany. Challenge to the Nation-State lacks a concluding chapter, although the introduction is sufficient in providing a framework for understanding the research presented in the other chapters. By 'nation-state,' Joppke intends a territorially sovereign polity defined largely by the ability to grant and deny citizenship to individuals in order to guarantee continuity in the relationship between state and individual. Joppke's introduction offers a fine summary of the findings of contributing authors, but also doggedly maintains a unifying theoretical framework, and attempts to take discussions on immigration further than any of the individual chapters. His basic thesis is that the nation-state can and still does maintain sovereignty over its borders, its affordance of rights and privileges, and its affordance of citizenship, often balancing a change in one with an opposite change in another. In the end, citizenship always has been and always will be granted by a territorially sovereign polity. Challenge to Sovereignty, the first section following the introduction, addresses territorial sovereignty-one of the two political bases for the modern nation-state. The authors in this section note changes in the decision-making arena for states in recent years, but resoundingly conclude that decision-making tools and ultimate authority over the movement of people (while experiencing new constraints) still lie with national governments, not extra-national bodies. And while Soyal's Limits of Citizenship (1995) continues to have an influence over this discussion, as it is referenced by some of the authors, few are entirely sympathetic to Soyal's polemic stance about the reach of post-nationalism. Saskia Sassen is the single author in the volume who asserts that immigration is a serious challenge to the state. The odiers are more skeptical. Sassen's globalizing economy paradigm dichotomizes regulations for information, capital, and goods vs. regulations for migrants and labor, the former more transnational, the latter more international. In this model, the state has the twofold goal of globalizing the economy while maintaining state sovereignty, thereby undermining state authority and power. This chapter uncritically cites many global processes (e.g., judicial tools, deregulation, bond-raters, international commercial arbitration) as evidence for the dissolution of statehood. However, it is also the only chapter to devote much attention to the relation between state sovereignty and the governance of global economic practices. Sassen's chapter, diough a minority viewpoint, also considers international economics, which is found lacking in the odier chapters. The contribution by Gary Freeman contends Sassen's by arguing that most variation and developments in immigration policies can be explained better by domestic politics than by structural economic adjustment. In addition, especially intriguing in light of current nationalistic sentiments around the world, are his findings that, among actual policy outcomes, there resides little basis for the claim that Western states are becoming more restrictive against immigration. …

The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty

Abstract: (1999). The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty. The International History Review: Vol. 21, No. 3, pp. 569-591.

The Rambouillet Conference on Kosovo

Abstract: The Rambouillet process sought to re-establish autonomous governance andhuman rights for Kosovo, under the protection of the international community. However, the Kosovo authorities had committed themselves to outright independence while the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consistently rejected any international interest in the affairs of Kosovo, which it considered an entirely domestic matter. To reconcile these irreconcilable views, an initial attempt was made to establish self-governance for Kosovo for an interim period, without touching upon the issue of the status of that territory. As the Rambouillet conference progressed, the Contact Group moved significantly towards the FRY/Serb demand of expressly confirming its continued sovereignty and territorial integrity over Kosovo. While this and other concessions did not help to engage the FRY in the negotiating process, itjeopardized the acceptance of the agreement by Kosovo. The negotiations werebacked by the threat of the use of force, which could only be innovatively justified by reference to the doctrine of humanitarian intervention, inasmuch as there existed no formal Security Council mandate. However, the credibility of that threat was initially undermined by splits within the Contact Group during the actual negotiations, which also extended to implementation of the agreementupon acceptance by NATO. Moreover, the negotiations were hampered by thefact that one of the three principal international negotiators openly sided withone of the parties and essentially represented it. Encouraged by these divisions, Belgrade manoeuvred itself into a position of direct confrontation with NATO, which could now genuinely argue that the grave humanitarian emergency in Kosovo could only be addressed through acceptance of the Rambouilletaccord by Yugoslavia, even if sustained military attacks were required to achieve that end.

Sovereignty: Change and Continuity in a Fundamental Institution

Abstract: Only a few years ago, sovereignty used to be taken for granted in the study of world politics. J. D. B. Miller expressed the prevailing opinion in simple, but clear terms: `Just as we know a camel or a chair when we see one, so we know a sovereign state. It is a political entity which is treated as a sovereign state by other sovereign states'. Today, few would be satis®ed with Miller's summation. Sovereignty is being intensely debated among scholars and practitioners of world politics. For example, the most recent International Studies Association meeting had `TheWestphalian System' as its overarching theme; the programme chair explicitly emphasized that `traditional touchstones' such as sovereignty must now be `open to question'. In July 1998, a large conference took place in Munster in celebration of the 350 years birthday of the Westphalian treaties and discussing current interpretations of sovereignty. There are several reasons for the renewed interest in sovereignty. Processes of globalization making the world hang closer together; humanitarian intervention in weak states and attempts to promote democracy and human rights on a global scale; new forms of intense cooperation in Europe and fresh attempts at regional integration elsewhere; the emergence of a large number of newly independent states; all these developments have helped spark new considerations about the possible implications for sovereignty. At the same time, both the end of the Cold War and the approach of a new millennium have boosted interest in the long lines of world politics. Real or perceived, such moments of transitions are watersheds which invite stocktaking. To know where we are going from here, we need to know where we came from. The intense scholarly interest in sovereignty is most clearly evidenced in the spate of recent books and articles on the subject. A central issue in most of

The Sharing of Sovereignty: the European Paradox

Abstract: No government in Europe remains sovereign in the sense understood by diplomats or constitutional lawyers of half a century ago. Within the 15-member EU mutual interference in each other's domestic a€airs has become a long-accepted practice. Its extra-territorial jurisdiction extends across Norway, Switzerland and Iceland, states which recognize the supremacy of EU rules as an unavoidable consequence of their dependence on open access to its economic and social space. West European security is managed through NATO, an integrated alliance with joint commands, a (small) common budget and a number of multinational units. European security is managed through the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, whose rules requiring `transparency' in military forces and deployments are reinforced by the intrusive inspection procedures agreed under the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty. The legitimate units within these institutions remain states. Representatives of Luxembourg and Denmark take their place round the table in NATO ministerial meetings, in EU Councils, and in the extensive network of committees through which these and other European institutions operate; representatives of Scotland and Bavaria do not. Yet the interaction of these thousands of representatives, engaged in multiple continuous negotiations, information exchange, coalition-building, informal trade-o€s among likeminded ocials and ministers in di€erent governments, is of an entirely di€erent quality from the monolithic external sovereignty of the nineteenth century European state. Ministers' diaries are ®lled with multilateral meetings, and with rounds of bilateral consultations to prepare for them. Ocials from every major department within national governments travel abroad, up to 2±3 days a week, to sit together in committees and to consult informally. Military and police ocers, customs and immigration ocials train together and work together. To a remarkable degree, the processes of government in Europe overlap and interlock: among di€erent states, between di€erent levels of governance below and above the old locus of sovereignty in the nationstate. States, furthermore, are not the only signi®cant actors within these institutions. The secretariats and parliamentary assemblies of NATO and WEU play

The Nation and Beyond: Transnational Perspectives on United States History

Abstract: When I was in graduate school in Madison, Wisconsin, in the 1960s, nation-states were the self-evident focus for the discipline of history. Nations expressed people's identities, arbitrated their differences and solved their problems, focused their dreams, exercised their collective sovereignty, fought their wars. Modern professional historical scholarship grew up alongside the nation-state, its mission to document and explain the rise, reform, and fall of nation-states. And professional history developed a civic mission to teach citizens to contain their experience within nation-centered narratives. Now, a mere third of a century later, familiar nation-states look fragile, constructed, imagined, even as they possess the very real capacities to collect taxes, recruit and deploy armed forces, manage legal systems, and allocate resources. Their capacity to govern was battered from the Left in the 1960s and the Right in the 1980s, in slogans like "self-determination" that evoke people on the march and those like "globalization" that seem beyond human reach. While some movements challenged the sovereignty of established nation-states from above in the name of the European Union or the North American Free Trade Agreement, others challenged the sovereignty of established states from below in the name of the potential nation-states of Kosovo, Serbia, Chiapas, Quebec, Palestine, Scotland, Lombardy, East Timor, and Catalonia. With nationalisms exploding not only in movements for new nations but also in such diverse directions as "Queer Nation," "black nationalism," and "Nation of Islam," the greatest threat to nation-states seemed often to come from nationalist movements. The spread across national borders of institutions such as multinational corporations and CNN, of social movements such as feminism and environmentalism, and

Globalization and Human Rights

Abstract: An advertising campaign by the McDonald's food corporation in the late 1990s showed images of Russian soldiers and American grandfathers, young Mexican women and Australian Aboriginal children, all celebrating the thing they share in common: a love of McDonald's food. According to the advertisement: "everyone around the world is saying 'It's Mac time now."' These advertising images are simultaneously symptomatic and symbolic of globalization. The apparent universal market and demand for a product, which is created and presented by the use of new communication technologies and produced by a transnational corporation, could be seen as a manifestation of new opportunities provided by globalization for all people after the end of the Cold War. At the same time, the impacts of the universal market on diverse cultures and on state sovereignty, as well as the pervasiveness of development measured in market terms, could indicate the dangers in this process of globalization. These opportunities and dangers arise because globalization is "an economic, political, social, and ideological phenomenon which carries with it unanticipated, often contradictory, and polarizing consequences."' This process of globalization is part of an "ever more interdependent world,"2 where political, economic, social, and

Black Society in Spanish Florida

Abstract: The first extensive study of the African American community under colonial Spanish rule, "Black Society in Spanish Florida" provides a vital counterweight to the better-known dynamics of the Anglo slave South. Jane Landers draws on a wealth of untapped primary sources, opening a new vista on the black experience in America and enriching our understanding of the powerful links between race relations and cultural custom. Blacks under Spanish rule in Florida lived not in cotton rows or tobacco patches but in a more complex and international world that linked the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, and a powerful and diverse Indian hinterland. Here the Spanish Crown afforded sanctuary to runaway slaves, making the territory a prime destination for blacks fleeing Anglo plantations, while Castilian law (grounded in Roman law) provided many avenues out of slavery, which it deemed an unnatural condition. European-African unions were common and accepted in Florida, with families of African descent developing important community connections through marriage, concubinage, and godparent choices. Assisted by the corporate nature of Spanish society, Spain's medieval tradition of integration and assimilation, and the almost constant threat to Spanish sovereignty in Florida, multiple generations of Africans leveraged linguistic, military, diplomatic, and artisanal skills into citizenship and property rights. In this remote Spanish outpost, where they could become homesteaders, property owners, and entrepreneurs, blacks enjoyed more legal and social protection than they would again until almost two hundred years of Anglo history had passed.

Tribal sovereignty and the intercultural public sphere

Abstract: While theorists of cultural pluralism have generally supported tribal sovereignty to protect threatened Native cultures, they fail to address adequately cultural conflicts between Native and non-Native communities, especially when tribal sovereignty facilitates illiberal or undemocratic practices. In response, I draw on Jurgen Habermas' conceptions of discourse and the public sphere to develop a universalist approach to cultural pluralism, called the 'intercultural public sphere', which analyzes how cultures can engage in mutual learning and mutual criticism under fair conditions. This framework accommodates cultural diversity within formally universalistic parameters while avoiding four common criticisms of universalist approaches to cultural pluralism. But this framework differs from that of Habermas in two ways. First, it includes 'subaltern' publics, open only to members of cultural subgroups, in order to counter relations of 'cultural power'. Second, it admits 'strong' publics, democratic institutions with decision-making powers. Finally, I show how the subaltern, strong institutions of tribal sovereignty contribute to the fair discursive conditions required for mutual learning and mutual critique in an intercultural public sphere.

Environmental movements, ecological modernisation and political opportunity structures

Abstract: During recent decades, environmental movements in First, Second and Third World countries have undergone far reaching changes. In western Europe and the United States they changed from radical grass‐roots groups striving for structural social reforms into highly institutionalised mass membership organisations, working within the neo‐liberal social order. In Eastern Europe and the former USSR, environmentalism flourished during the 1980s due to its articulation with national sovereignty claims but after 1989 the movement collapsed and now it lacks an institutional basis. In Third World countries, environmental groups are often torn between adaptation to western‐style patterns of development and resistance against the global neo‐liberal discourse. Ecological modernisation and sustainable development are both ways of dealing with environmental problems without fundamentally challenging the existing social order. Their applicability for environmental movements, however, is largely determined by political oppo...

Controlling the State: Constitutionalism from Ancient Athens to Today

Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. The Doctrine of Sovereignty The Classical Doctrine of Sovereignty The People as Sovereign Parliament as Sovereign Critics of Sovereignty 2. Athenian Democracy Constitutional Development The Athenian Political System The Theory of the Athenian Constitution The Doctrine of Mixed Government The Constitutional Totalitarianism of Sparta 3. The Roman Republic The Development of the Republic, and Its Fall The Political System of the Republic Theoretical Interpretation of the Republican System 4. Countervailance Theory in Medieval Law, Catholic Ecclesiology, and Huguenot Political Theory Canon Law and Roman Law Catholic Ecclesiology and the Conciliar Movement The Huguenot Political Theorists 5. The Republic of Venice Venice and Europe The Venetian System of Government Venetian Constitutionalism Church and State The Myth of Venice Venice, Mixed Government, and Jean Bodin 6. The Dutch Republic The Golden Age of the Dutch Republic The Political History of the Republic, 1566-1814 The Republican Political System Dutch Political Theory 7. The Development of Constitutional Government and Countervailance Theory in Seventeenth-Century England Religious Toleration and Civic Freedom The Roles of Parliament "Mixed Government" and the Countervailance Model The Early Stuart Era From the Civil War to the Revolution of 1688 The Provenance of English Countervailance Theory The Eighteenth Century, and Montesquieu 8. American Constitutionalism The Political Theory of the American Revolution The State Constitutions The National Constitution The Bill of Rights and the Judiciary A Note on Provenance 9. Modern Britain Archaic Remnants: The Monarchy and the House of Lords The House of Commons and the Cabinet The Bureaucracy The Judiciary Unofficial Political Institutions: Pressure Groups Epilogue References Index

Boundaries, Territory and Postmodernity

Abstract: Geopolitics renaissant - territory, sovereignty and the world political map, David Newman de-territorialized threats and global dangers - geopolitics and risk society, Gearoid O Tuathail (Gerard Toal) international boundaries, geopolitics and the (post)modern territorial discourse - the functional fiction, Fabrizio Eva on boundaries, territory and postmodernity - an international relations perspective, Mathias Albert boundaries as social processes - territoriality in the world of flows, Anssi Paasi beyond the borders - globalization, sovereignty and extra-teritoriality, Alan Hudson a treaty of silicon for the treaty of Westphalia? - new territorial dimensions of modern statehood, Stanley D. Brunn globalization or global apartheid? boundaries and knowledge in postmodern times, Simon Dalby pseudo-states as harbingers of a new geopolitics - the example of the Trans-Dniester Moldovan Republic (TMR), Vladimir Kolossov and John O'Loughlin regional identity and the sovereignty principle - explaining Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking, Mira Sucharov.

The Practice of Sovereign Statehood in Contemporary International Society

Abstract: The absence of legislative control over semantic practice is, in one's more authoritarian moments, a matter for regret. In respect of discourse about international relations, no better ground for this reaction can be found than the use of the term sovereignty. On every hand, it seems, the term is freely introduced; and on inspection ( for writers are in this regard rarely self-conscious) it emerges that an almost equivalent profusion of concepts is being paraded. However, this situation at least provides grist for the familiar academic tasks of drawing distinctions and ± International Relations falling within the province of social science ± the establishment of categories.

The Nation-State and Global Order: A Historical Introduction to Contemporary Politics

Abstract: Introduction: A Historical Approach to the State and Global Order The Emergence of the Territorial State The Ancient Roman State: Imperial Rule The Feudal State: Indirect Fule The Medieval State: Territorial Sovereignty Instituted The Modern Territorial State The Absolutist State: Sovereignty Unbound. The Liberal Constitutional State: Sovereignty Popularized The Antiliberal State: Sovereignty Particularized The Managerial State: Sovereignty Rationalized Globalizing the Territorial State The Colonial State: Sovereignty Expanded The Nation-State: Sovereignty Reimagined The Postcolonial State: Instituting Sovereignty Challenges to the State The Present State of States: Sovereignity Challenged Conclusion: A New Global Order?

Creeping Assertiveness: China, the Philippines and the South China Sea Dispute

Abstract: Introduction The unresolved territorial disputes between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Philippines in the South China Sea have highlighted emerging trends and raised important issues pertaining to the security and stability of Southeast Asia. The disputes have not only had a significant impact on the shape of Sino-Philippine relations, but also underlined the important roles played by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United States in maintaining regional stability. This article identifies and addresses the salient issues raised by the disputes.(1) Firstly, the events of 1995-98 reinforce the notion that China is gradually expanding its presence in the South China Sea and concurrently indicating a willingness to settle the issue diplomatically. Secondly, the lack of a credible defence force has required the Philippines to negotiate with the PRC from a position of weakness, resulting in little concrete progress. Thirdly, during the dispute ASEAN was willing to take a united stand on the issue and indirectly rebuke China. The United States, on the other hand, was unwilling to commit itself to helping the Philippines militarily for fear of damaging its relations with the PRC. Background The territorial dispute between China and the Philippines centres around the ownership of about fifty small islands and reefs in the Spratly group in the South China Sea. The Spratly archipelago comprises more than 230 rock formations of varying sizes, the sovereignty of which is disputed by six parties - China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Brunei. Three of the disputants (China, Taiwan and Vietnam) claim the entire chain, two (Malaysia and the Philippines) claim only certain parts of the group, whilst Brunei disputes a small part of the territorial waters. The fifty islands claimed by the Philippines are located 230 nautical miles west of Palawan island, and are known to Filipinos as the Kalayaans, a term which will be used throughout this article to distinguish them from the Spratly group as a whole. Sovereignty over the islands is important to the disputants not because of their intrinsic value, but because of the maritime resources which ownership would provide - such as valuable fishing grounds and, as yet, unproven quantities of hydrocarbons (oil and gas).(2) China bases its claims in the South China Sea (including the Kalayaans) on the grounds of discovery and occupation going back 2,000 years. The PRC demonstrates its claim by reference to maps drawn up during the Han Dynasty (206 BC to AD 220) which purportedly show the Spratlys as part of its territory, and historical artifacts found on the islands indicating the presence of Chinese fishermen. The Philippine claim is much more recent. In 1956 Filipino national Thomas Cloma laid claim to the Kalayaans, declaring the islands res nullius as Japan had been forced to renounce their ownership at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference.(3) In 1974 Cloma "transferred" sovereignty of the islands to the Philippine Government, and in June 1978 the Kalayaans were declared Philippine territory by presidential decree. According to that decree, the Kalayaans belong to the Philippines "by reason of their proximity".(4) Since 1956 the Philippines has stationed military personnel on eight of the islands. Prior to 1994, the question of ownership of the Kalayaans had not been a major irritant in Sino-Philippine relations. In April 1988, Philippine President Corazon Aquino made a high-profile trip to the PRC. Although trade issues topped the agenda in her meetings with Chinese officials, Aquino raised the issue of the Kalayaans with China's then paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping. Deng promised to shelve the sovereignty issue, engage in joint exploration and exploitation of maritime resources, and work towards a peaceful resolution of the issue.(5) In May 1994, the Philippine Department of Energy approved an application made by the U. …