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Showing papers on "Sovereignty published in 2016"


Book
14 Nov 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRP) is used to argue that Indigenous peoples have inherent and inalienable rights relating to the collection, ownership and application of data about them and about their lifeways and territories.
Abstract: Overview As the global ‘data revolution’ accelerates, how can the data rights and interests of Indigenous peoples be secured? Premised on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, this book argues that Indigenous peoples have inherent and inalienable rights relating to the collection, ownership and application of data about them, and about their lifeways and territories. As the first book to focus on indigenous data sovereignty, it asks: what does data sovereignty mean for indigenous peoples, and how is it being used in their pursuit of self-determination? The varied group of mostly indigenous contributors theorise and conceptualise this fast-emerging field and present case studies that illustrate the challenges and opportunities involved. These range from Indigenous communities grappling with issues of identity, governance and development, to national governments and NGOs seeking to formulate a response to Iindigenous demands for data ownership. While the book is focused on the CANZUS states of Canada, Australia, Aotearoa/New Zealand and the United States, much of the content and discussion will be of interest and practical value to a broader global audience.

182 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the logic of decolonization movements for indigenous sovereignty and against the settler states of Canada and the USA overlap the discursive field of contemporary post-racialism in ways that circumvent the challenges and possibilities offered by black radicalism in the historic instance.
Abstract: This article addresses the relationship between anti-racism and decolonization in the North American context. It argues that the logic of decolonization movements for indigenous sovereignty and against the settler states of Canada and the USA overlap the discursive field of contemporary post-racialism in ways that circumvent the challenges and possibilities offered by black radicalism in the historic instance. After engaging recent theoretical literature on settler colonialism, it is suggested that the freedom drive that abolishes slavery unsettles both colonial and decolonial forms of sovereign determination.

138 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors argue that the major international relations and international political economy theories are linked by a certain sociological and political realism, and they suggest a useful alternative is to consider globalization as a "governmentality," that is, as a governmental rationality.
Abstract: At the 2002 International Sociological Association meeting, globalization was described in one session as "the story we all know." It was suggested that whereas economists tend to develop empiricist accounts of globalization focused on outcomes, scholars of international relations and international political economy were to be commended for their move toward feminist and postpositivist accounts focused on ideas, identities, and culture. Yet in the discussion that ensued it became apparent that, despite such theoretical innovations, the story of globalization itself remained remarkably unaltered. The shared collective conception was one of epochal macrolevel change. The intellectual challenge was to specify more clearly the content of this change, to develop more rigorous accounts of hegemonic projects and institutions, to examine the consequences for different places and people, and to identify how globalization was being resisted. Our argument is that while there is considerable diversity in the way that globalization is understood, above and beyond this, the major international relations and international political economy theories are linked by a certain sociological and political realism. Put simply, globalization is treated as a transformation in the very structure of the world. This is true not just of mainstream accounts, but even many of those employing critical perspectives. The task of the researcher is to capture the substance of change along axes such as speed, space, time, territoriality, sovereignty, and identity. We suggest a useful alternative is to consider globalization as a "governmentality," that is, as a governmental rationality.1 More specifically, we are interested in what we call elsewhere "global governmentality."2 This article demonstrates the value of this approach in terms of four key

136 citations



Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examines the relationship between settler colonialism and Indigenous women's life and death and argues that in spite of this denial, these deaths worked effectively to highlight the gendered, biopolitical life of settler sovereignty.
Abstract: This article examines the relationship between settler colonialism and Indigenous women’s life and death. In it, I examine the incredulity and outrage that obtained to a hunger strike of (Chief) Theresa Spence and the murder of Loretta Saunders. Both affective modes were torn from the same book of exonerating culpability from a public that denied an historic and political relationship between Indigenous women’s death and settler governance. The paper argues that in spite of this denial, these deaths worked effectively to highlight the gendered, biopolitical life of settler sovereignty.

96 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a global trend towards hardened, militarised borders through the use of military technologies, hardware and personnel is identified, and a call for nuanced interpretation and more sustained investigation of the expansion of the military into the policing of borders is made.
Abstract: This paper identifies a global trend towards hardened, militarised borders through the use of military technologies, hardware and personnel. In contrast to claims of waning state sovereignty, drawing on detailed case studies from the United States and European Union, we argue the militarisation of borders represents a re-articulation and expansion of state sovereignty into new spaces and arenas. We argue that the nexus of military-security contractors, dramatically increased security budgets, and the discourse of threats from terrorism and immigration is resulting in a profound shift in border security. The construction of barriers, deployment of more personnel and the investment in a wide range of military and security technologies from drones to smart border technologies that attempt to monitor, identify and prevent unauthorised movements are emblematic of this shift. We link this increasing militarisation to dehumanisation of migrant others and to the increasing mortality in border spaces. By documenting this trend and identifying a range of different practices that are included under the rubric of militarisation, this paper is both a call for nuanced interpretation and more sustained investigation of the expansion of the military into the policing of borders.

83 citations


01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a book called "Sovereignty at bay the multinational spread of us enterprises", which they describe as "a good book with a cup of tea in the afternoon".
Abstract: Thank you for reading sovereignty at bay the multinational spread of us enterprises. As you may know, people have search hundreds times for their chosen books like this sovereignty at bay the multinational spread of us enterprises, but end up in malicious downloads. Rather than enjoying a good book with a cup of tea in the afternoon, instead they cope with some harmful bugs inside their desktop computer.

81 citations


Book
01 Aug 2016
TL;DR: Tavares as mentioned in this paper provides a comprehensive and critical overview of the conceptual, juridical, operational, organizational, governmental and diplomatic parameters of paradiplomacy, as well as a practitioner's guide to foreign policy at the subnational level.
Abstract: Orthodox international relations theory considers foreign affairs to be the exclusive purview of national governments. Yet as Rodrigo Tavares demonstrates, the vast majority of leading sub-states and cities are currently practicing foreign affairs, both bilaterally and multilaterally. Subnational governments in Asia, the Americas, Europe and Africa are changing traditional notions of sovereignty, diplomacy, and foreign policy as they carry out diplomatic endeavors and establish transnational networks around areas such as education, healthcare, climate change, waste management, or transportation. In fact, subnational activity and activism in the international arena is growing at a rate that far exceeds that carried out by the traditional representatives of sovereign states. Paradiplomacy is the definitive first practitioner's guide to foreign policy at the subnational level. In this seminal work, Tavares draws from a unique pool of best practices and case studies from all over the world to provide a comprehensive and critical overview of the conceptual, juridical, operational, organizational, governmental and diplomatic parameters of paradiplomacy.

80 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The term governance does not have a settled definition today, and it has at least three main meanings: international cooperation through nonsovereign bodies outside the state system, regulation of social behavior through networks and other non-hierarchical mechanisms as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The term governance does not have a settled definition today, and it has at least three main meanings. The first is international cooperation through nonsovereign bodies outside the state system. This concept grew out of the literature on globalization and argued that territorial sovereignty was giving way to more informal types of horizontal cooperation, as well as to supranational bodies such as the European Union. The second meaning treated governance as a synonym for public administration, that is, effective implementation of state policy. Interest in this topic was driven by awareness that global poverty was rooted in corruption and weak state capacity. The third meaning of governance was the regulation of social behavior through networks and other nonhierarchical mechanisms. The first and third of these strands of thought downplay traditional state authority and favor new transnational or civil society actors. These trends, however, raise troubling questions about transparency and accountability in ...

79 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse two apparently different types of mobilization that have emerged after the 2008 crisis, trying to understand what grievances and objectives pull people together, i.e., the local expression of new social movements and the remaining expression of working-class organization.
Abstract: Structural adjustment policies in Europe underscore the lack of sovereignty and responsibility of nation-states towards the well-being of their citizens. As a result, in popular mobilizations arguments of inequality and injustice, expressed in a demand for dignity, are intertwined. The article explores this shift away from older arguments of exploitation and domination. Using ethnographic material from an industrial town in Galicia (Spain), I analyse two apparently different types of mobilization that have emerged after the 2008 crisis, trying to understand what grievances and objectives pull people together. One is the local expression of new social movements; the other is the remaining expression of working-class organization. Each of these models reinterprets a particular historical tradition of struggle while developing a new interpretation of the social objectives and subjectivities of the future. My hypothesis is that a “moral economy” framework has superseded a “political economy” framework in the ...

Reference EntryDOI
01 Apr 2016
TL;DR: For more than 20 years, Queer International Relations (IR) scholarship has focused on how normativities and/or non-normativities associated with categories of sex, gender, and sexuality sustain and contest international formations of power in relation to institutions like heteronormativity, homonormalativity, and cisnormativity as well as through queer logics of statecraft as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Queer International Relations (IR) is not a new field. For more than 20 years, Queer IR scholarship has focused on how normativities and/or non-normativities associated with categories of sex, gender, and sexuality sustain and contest international formations of power in relation to institutions like heteronormativity, homonormativity, and cisnormativity as well as through queer logics of statecraft. Recently, Queer IR has gained unprecedented traction in IR, as IR scholars have come to recognize how Queer IR theory, methods, and research further IR’s core agenda of analyzing and informing the policies and politics around state and nation formation, war and peace, and international political economy. Specific Queer IR research contributions include work on sovereignty, intervention, security and securitization, torture, terrorism and counter-insurgency, militaries and militarism, human rights and LGBT activism, immigration, regional and international integration, global health, transphobia, homophobia, development and International Financial Institutions, financial crises, homocolonialism, settler colonialism and anti-Blackness, homocapitalism, political/cultural formations, norms diffusion, political protest, and time and temporalities

Book Chapter
30 Apr 2016
TL;DR: This paper explores three views of the EU and concludes that from this perspective a bricoleur’s Europe of ‘bits and pieces’ may not necessarily lack justification and legitimacy.
Abstract: The debate on the nature of the European Union has become a test case of the kind of political and institutional arrangements appropriate in an age of globalization. This paper explores three views of the EU. The two main positions that have hitherto confronted each other appeal to either cosmopolitan or communitarian values. Advocates of the former argue for some form of federal structure in Europe and are convinced that the sovereignty of the nation state belongs to the past. Proponents of the latter make a case on both socio-political and normative grounds for a Europe of nations. However a third position, favoured by the authors, is gaining ground. This view combines cosmopolitan and communitarian conceptions. It emphasises the mixed nature of the European polity and conceives the constitutionalization process as open-ended. The paper concludes that from this perspective a bricoleur’s Europe of ‘bits and pieces’ may not necessarily lack justification and legitimacy.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, an international group of scholars, representatives of indigenous organisations and government personnel from the CANZUS group of Anglo-settler democracies gathered in Canberra to participate in a workshop, "Data sovereignty for indigenous peoples: current practice and future needs".
Abstract: In July 2015, an international group of scholars, representatives of indigenous organisations and government personnel from the CANZUS group of Anglo-settler democracies—Canada, Australia, Aotearoa/New Zealand and the United States—gathered in Canberra to participate in a workshop, ‘Data sovereignty for indigenous peoples: current practice and future needs’. The purpose of the workshop, sponsored by the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia (ASSA) and the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) at The Australian National University, was to identify and develop an indigenous data sovereignty agenda, leveraging international instruments such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).1 In an age when data permeate our lives daily, issues relating to data consent, use, ownership and storage have become increasingly complex. While indigenous peoples have long claimed sovereign status over their lands and territories, debates about ‘data sovereignty’ have been dominated by national

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that a republican theory of freedom as non-domination is better equipped than existing cosmopolitan and social liberal accounts to explain the systemic connections between domestic, international and global injustice.
Abstract: This article addresses an underexplored area of investigation within the global justice debate: To what extent does globalisation structurally undermine the freedom of states? And if it does, what type of injustice does this constitute? It is argued here that a republican theory of freedom as non-domination is better equipped than existing cosmopolitan and social liberal accounts to explain the systemic connections between domestic, international and global injustice. The forms of unchecked power that globalisation sets off create new opportunities for the domination of states – by other states as well as by non-states actors. And when citizens live in dominated states, they are themselves exposed to domination. The upshot is a normative analysis of the global arena that attributes a central role to states, yet is deeply critical of the status quo.

Book ChapterDOI
21 Jun 2016
TL;DR: A contradiction lies at the very centre of the neoliberal project as mentioned in this paper : it promises to bring about a purer form of democracy, unsullied by the tyranny of the state.
Abstract: A contradiction lies at the very centre of the neoliberal project. On a theoretical level, neoliberalism promises to bring about a purer form of democracy, unsullied by the tyranny of the state. Indeed, this claim serves as the moral lodestar for neoliberal ideology – the banner under which it justifies radical market deregulation. But, in practice, it becomes clear that the opposite is true: that neoliberalism tends to undermine democracy and political freedom (see Bruff 2014; Springer 2009). More than 40 years of experimentation with neoliberalism shows that it erodes the power of voters to decide the rules that govern the economic systems they inhabit. It allows for the colonization of existing political forums by elite interests – a process known as political capture – and sets up new political forums, such as the World Bank, the IMF, and the WTO, that preclude democratic representation from the outset. Neoliberalism also tends to undermine national sovereignty, to the point where the parliaments of putatively independent nations no longer have power over their own policy decisions, but are governed instead by foreign banks, the US Treasury, trade agreements, and undemocratic international institutions, all of which exercise a kind of invisible, remote-control power.

Book
Richard Tuck1
15 Feb 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, Tuck traces the history of the distinction between sovereignty and government and its relevance to the development of democratic thought, and provides a new interpretation of the political thought of Bodin, Hobbes and Rousseau.
Abstract: Le 4e de couverture indique : "Richard Tuck traces the history of the distinction between sovereignty and government and its relevance to the development of democratic thought. Tuck shows that this was a central issue in the political debates of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and provides a new interpretation of the political thought of Bodin, Hobbes and Rousseau. Integrating legal theory and the history of political thought, he also provides one of the first modern histories of the constitutional referendum, and shows the importance of the United States in the history of the referendum. The book derives from the John Robert Seeley Lectures delivered by Richard Tuck at the University of Cambridge in 2012, and will appeal to students and scholars of the history of ideas, political theory and political philosophy."

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the humanitarianisation of border enforcement has three primary effects: it works to counter the challenges of transnational human rights organizations and constituencies that argue that border enforcement policies violate transnational transhuman human rights; it justifies the continued militarisation and securitisation of national borders; and it upholds the territorialised logic of sovereignty and rights upon which state efforts to secure, fortify, and regulate transnational mobility are founded.
Abstract: This article contributes to the existing literature on the securitisation and militarisation of national borders through an examination of the humanitarianisation of contemporary border enforcement efforts. Drawing on discourse and policy analysis and ethnographic fieldwork at the southern border of the United States, I argue that humanitarian discourse and rationality have been integrated into the way in which border enforcement efforts are both framed and justified. I term the resulting discursive configuration the safety/security nexus to draw attention to the way in which migrant safety and border security are seemingly reconciled in official state discourse and policy. I then employ a feminist geopolitical framework to unpack the political and ideological significance of this process. In doing so, I argue that the humanitarianisation of border enforcement has three primary effects: it works to counter the challenges of transnational human rights organisations and constituencies that argue that border enforcement policies violate transnational human rights; it justifies the continued militarisation and securitisation of national borders; and it upholds the territorialised logic of sovereignty and rights upon which state efforts to secure, fortify, and regulate transnational mobility are founded. In turn, this article illustrates that understanding contemporary regimes of border governance necessitates attending to the entangled relationship between militarisation, securitisation, and humanitarianism.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored the problem of "semi-sovereignty" in the Ottoman Empire and connected this to the question of Ottoman Empire's status in the Eurocentric international legal order.
Abstract: Through an analysis of European and Ottoman international law textbooks, this paper explores the problem of ‘semi-sovereignty’ in the Ottoman Empire and connects this to the question of the Ottoman Empire’s status in the Eurocentric international legal order. Before territorial losses in the Balkans in 1878, international lawyers described autonomous provinces such as Mt. Lebanon and Egypt as a characteristic feature of Ottoman statecraft and administration. Subsequently, European lawyers viewed autonomous provinces as a mark of diminished sovereignty. Ottoman lawyers argued instead that granting autonomy to such provinces, which arose out of agreements between the Ottoman and European empires, formed part of the treaty law of Europe—one of the main sources of international law. International agreements creating the autonomous provinces, Ottoman lawyers noted, formalized international recognition of them as integral parts of the Ottoman Empire. By the First World War, Ottoman lawyers abandoned thi...

Book
10 Jun 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the problems of building legitimate states, legitimacy and loyalty, and statebuilding in Iraq, Syria, and Somalia, and conclude that such states are inherently unstable.
Abstract: Introduction 1. Building Legitimate States 2. Problems of Sovereignty 3. Legitimacy and Loyalty 4. Statebuilding in Iraq 5. Statebuilding in Somalia Conclusion

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose an interpretation of the role of state consent that both fits and justifies its central role in the practice of international law making and, hopefully, strengthens the latter's legitimacy in the future.
Abstract: This article starts with a paradox: international law-making is ridden with reasonable disagreement and yet no state can be bound by international law without its consent and hence without agreement. Breaking away from the pragmatic resignation that prevails among international law scholars on this question, the article proposes an interpretation of the role of state consent that both fits and justifies its central role in the practice of international law-making and, hopefully, strengthens the latter's legitimacy in the future. Its proposed justification actually lies in the circumstances of reasonable disagreement among democratic states and this proposal dissolves the paradox. The article argues that, in international law as it is the case domestically, consent is neither a criterion of validity of law nor a ground for its legitimate authority. It also dispels two myths about state consent: its necessary relationship to legal positivism and state sovereignty. Instead, the article argues, the role of democratic state consent is that of an exception to the legitimate authority of international law and hence to its bindingness in a concrete case. While the legitimacy of international law is not democratic, the democratic nature of states and their democratic accountability to their people matter. This is especially the case in circumstances of widespread and persistent reasonable disagreement as they prevail among democratic states in international law-making. In these circumstances, respecting the sovereign equality of democratic states by requiring their consent is the way to grant an equal voice to their people. Of course, there are limits to the democratic state exception that are inherent to both its democratic dimension (it requires respecting basic political equality) and its consensual dimension (it requires that consent is expressed in a free, fair and informed fashion). The article concludes by showing how the proposed disagreement-attuned account of democratic state consent explains various characteristics of the main international law-making processes, i.e., treaties and custom.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the fifteen years since the publication of the report "The Responsibility to Protect" by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, there has been a burgeoning literature on all aspects of R2P.
Abstract: In the fifteen years since the publication of the report ‘The Responsibility to Protect’ by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, there has been a burgeoning literature on all aspects of R2P. This review article focuses on five issues. First, it revisits the shift from ‘humanitarian intervention’ to R2P as the key innovation in 2001, highlighting the political, conceptual, normative, procedural and operational differences between the two. Second, it examines the state of knowledge regarding the causes of atrocities; the institutional vulnerabilities and points of resilience; the pathways from simmering animosities to mass killings; the indicators and precursors; and the most effective preventive and response mechanisms. Third, it reviews the unsatisfactory state of R2P implementation. Fourth, it discusses the main R2P actors, from international organizations and key groups of states to individuals. Finally, it addresses the continuing scepticism about R2P, in that it does not resolve all the dilemmas of how outsiders can provide timely, decisive and effective assistance to any group in need of protection.

Journal Article
TL;DR: This article argued that reintegrating the insights of influential, non-canonical thinkers into contemporary theory can open up our political horizons to new possibilities and challenge received wisdom regarding key concepts like "sovereignty".
Abstract: This essay argues for a broad, reconceptualization of the “history of political thought” as it is currently configured. It suggests that reintegrating the insights of influential, non-canonical thinkers into contemporary theory can open up our political horizons to new possibilities and challenge received wisdom regarding key concepts like “sovereignty.” It makes a methodological case for drawing upon Edward Said’s “contrapuntal” approach to history and offers a rereading of Carl Schmitt’s distorted characterization of Harold Laski and G.D.H. Cole as an example of what such an approach might look like.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the kind of integration project currently under construction, as well as the EAEU's ability to make a significant impact in the region, concluding that despite early achievements, despite early promises, despite the early achievements of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is very much limited to reproducing sovereignty rather than transforming it, marking a clear disconnect between rhetoric and reality.
Abstract: The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) appeared in January 2015 as the latest and most ambitious attempt at reconnecting the post-Soviet space. Building on the Customs Union between Belarus, Russia, and Kazakhstan (2010), and successfully extending membership to Armenia and Kyrgyzstan (2015), the EAEU not only connects a market of over 182 million people, but has the stated aim of utilizing European Union experience to achieve deep integration in a fraction of the time. Based on original fieldwork conducted in Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia, this article examines the kind of integration project currently under construction, as well as the EAEU’s ability to make a significant impact in the region. As argued, despite early achievements, the EAEU is very much limited to reproducing sovereignty rather than transforming it, marking a clear disconnect between rhetoric and reality. Moreover, when viewed from the perspective of the three “I”s – institutions, identity, and international context – eve...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the contribution of republican political theory as a distinctive approach that provides us with the conceptual and normative resources to reclaim what they call the political economy of democracy, the constellation of political and economic institutions aimed at promoting broad economic sovereignty and individuals' capacities to govern their own lives.
Abstract: Europe is experiencing rapidly accelerating poverty and social exclusion, following half a decade of financial crisis and austerity politics. The key problem behind Europe's malaise, in our view, is the economic disenfranchisement of large parts of its population in the winner-takes-all-society. This article proposes that we examine the contribution of republican political theory as a distinctive approach that provides us with the conceptual and normative resources to reclaim what we call the political economy of democracy, the constellation of political and economic institutions aimed at promoting broad economic sovereignty and individuals’ capacities to govern their own lives. This article identifies three key ideas that together constitute a distinctively republican approach to political economy: (1) establish an economic floor; (2) impose an economic ceiling to counter excess economic inequality; and (3) democratize the governance and regulation of the main economic institutions.

Journal ArticleDOI
Zhimin Chen1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors look into the order-shaping roles of the EU and China, to identify their respective visions of a desirable world order and to conceptualize how they can make themselves "building blocks" of a working world order through parallel, complementary and concerted ordershaping.
Abstract: The EU (European Union) and China are the two arguably most unusual powers in today's world: the EU as the most integrated regional association of states and China as the largest developing great power. As the post-Cold War American-led liberal world order is facing challenges from forces unleashed by the power transition and power diffusion in the international system, this article will look into the order-shaping roles of the EU and China, to identify their respective visions of a desirable world order and to conceptualize how the EU and China can make themselves ‘building blocks’ of a working world order through parallel, complementary and concerted order-shaping.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the limits of the resource curse framing and associated liberal institutional management approaches to the inherently political nature of oil exploration and production are discussed, and the role of discourses of good governance in structuring the material politics of resource access is discussed.
Abstract: The idea of a resource curse has influenced policy makers and led to calls for good governance to avoid the pitfalls of oil sector development. Through discussion of Ghana's recent insertion into the global political economy of oil, this paper describes the limits of the resource curse framing and associated liberal institutional management approaches to the inherently political nature of oil exploration and production. The paper describes ways in which sovereignty has been exercised both in opposition to and in support of foreign capital, and the role of discourses of ‘good governance’ in structuring the material politics of resource access.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this article argued that Native Americans have been structurally excluded from the discipline of political science in the continental United States, as has Native epistemology and political issues, and suggested a set of alternative formulations that could expand our understanding of politics, including attention to other forms of law, constitutions, relationships to the environment, sovereignty, collective decision-making, U.S history, and majoritarianism.
Abstract: Native Americans have been structurally excluded from the discipline of political science in the continental United States, as has Native epistemology and political issues. I analyze the reasons for these erasures and elisions, noting the combined effects of rejecting Native scholars, political issues, analysis, and texts. I describe how these arise from presumptions inherent to the disciplinary practices of U.S. political science, and suggest a set of alternative formulations that could expand our understanding of politics, including attention to other forms of law, constitutions, relationships to the environment, sovereignty, collective decision-making, U.S. history, and majoritarianism.

Book
Gary W. Cox1
28 Apr 2016
TL;DR: Cox argues that states grew only if they addressed a central credibility problem afflicting the Ancien Regime - that rulers were legally entitled to spend public revenue however they deemed fit as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: How did England, once a minor regional power, become a global hegemon between 1689 and 1815? Why, over the same period, did she become the world's first industrial nation? Gary W. Cox addresses these questions in Marketing Sovereign Promises. The book examines two central issues: the origins of the great taxing power of the modern state and how that power is made compatible with economic growth. Part I considers England's rise after the revolution of 1689, highlighting the establishment of annual budgets with shutdown reversions. This core reform effected a great increase in per capita tax extraction. Part II investigates the regional and global spread of British budgeting ideas. Cox argues that states grew only if they addressed a central credibility problem afflicting the Ancien Regime - that rulers were legally entitled to spend public revenue however they deemed fit.