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Sovereignty

About: Sovereignty is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 25909 publications have been published within this topic receiving 410148 citations.


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Journal ArticleDOI
Roger D. Masters1
TL;DR: The Nuer, a primitive African people, have been described as living in an "ordered anarchy" which depends on a balanced opposition of political segments as mentioned in this paper, which is a fairly accurate description of the rivalry between sovereign nation-states.
Abstract: Many primitive peoples have political systems which are very much like the international political system. If the characterization of world politics as mere “anarchy” is an exaggeration, surely anarchy moderated or inhibited by a balance of power is a fairly accurate description of the rivalry between sovereign nation-states. The Nuer, a primitive African people, have been described as living in an “ordered anarchy” which depends on a “balanced opposition of political segments.” It is commonplace to describe the international system as lacking a government, so that “might makes right.” “In Nuerland legislative, judicial and executive functions are not invested in any persons or councils”; hence, throughout the society, “the club and the spear are the sanctions of rights.”

102 citations

BookDOI
31 Jan 2010
TL;DR: Greenhouse as discussed by the authors discusses the relationship between security and the Neoliberal State and the War on Terror and the Paradox of Sovereignty: Declining States and States of Exception -Joseba Zulaika.
Abstract: Introduction -Carol J. Greenhouse PART I. STATE INVESTMENTS IN INSECURITY 1 Security and the Neoliberal State: British Political Imaginaries After 7/7 -Kathleen Hall 2 The War on Terror and the Paradox of Sovereignty: Declining States and States of Exception -Joseba Zulaika 3 Liberalism Against Neoliberalism: Resistance to Structural Adjustment and the Fragmentation of the State in Russia and Hungary -Kim Lane Scheppele 4 Japan as Mirror: Neoliberalism's Promise and Costs -Amy Borovoy PART II. POLITICS IN THE PUBLIC-PRIVATE DIVIDE 5 Local Political Geography and American Political Identity -Robert R. Rodgers, Stephen Macedo 6 Urbanizing the San Juan Fiesta Civil Society and Cultural Identity in the Barrios of Caracas -Sujatha Fernandes 7 Neoliberalism, Satirical Protest, and the 2004 U.S. Presidential Campaign -Angelique Haugerud PART III. MARKETS FOR CULTURAL DIVERSITY 8 The Question of Freedom: Post-Emancipation South Africa in a Neoliberal Age -Anne-Maria Makhulu 9 Neoliberal Cultural Heritage and Bolivia's New Indigenous Public -Robert Albro 10 Neoliberal Education: Preparing the Student for the New Workplace -Bonnie Urciuoli 11 Harlem's Pasts in Its Present -Sandhya Shukla PART IV. AGENCY AND AMBIVALENCE 12 Performing Laicite: Gender, Agency, and Neoliberalism Among Algerians in France -Jane E. Goodman 13 The "Daughters of Soul" Tour and the Politics and Possibilities of Black Music -Maureen Mahon 14 Rags to Riches: Religion, Media, and the Performance of Wealth in a Neoliberal Age -Maria Frederick 15 The Temporality of No Hope -Hirokazu Miyazaki Notes References List of Contributors Index Acknowledgments

102 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the land claim process, because it forces aboriginal people to think and speak in the language of property, undermines the very beliefs and practices that a land claim agreement is meant to preserve.
Abstract: Many of the world's aboriginal peoples are currently engaged in struggles over land and self-government with the states that encompass them. In Canada, aboriginal people have effectively used the concept of "aboriginal title" to force the government to negotiate land and self-government agreements with them. Such agreements, however, along with the notion of "aboriginal title" itself, are based on the European concept of "property"; they grant First Nations "ownership" of certain lands and spell out the rights they possess in relation to those lands. This means that aboriginal people have had to learn to think and speak in the "language of property" as a precondition for even engaging government officials in a dialogue over land and sovereignty. Yet the concept of property is in many ways incompatible with many Canadian First Nation people's views about proper human-animal/land relations. In this article, I argue that the land claim process—because it forces aboriginal people to think and speak in the language of property—tends to undermine the very beliefs and practices that a land claim agreement is meant to preserve. [Key words: property, First Nations, aboriginal land claims, Canada, Subarctic]

101 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Krasner as discussed by the authors argues that the most important determinants of democratic development have been underlying socioeconomic conditions and institutional changes initiated by strategically calculating political elites, and that a system of governance that allows citizens to express their views and, more importantly, hold government officials accountable for their actions is the most effective although not the only way to achieve and sustain such a polity.
Abstract: One of the major foreign policy challenges of the contemporary era, indeed perhaps the major challenge, is how to encourage the development of well-functioning polities that provide security, social services, and opportunities for economically remunerative work. Democracy, a system of governance that allows citizens to express their views and, more importantly, hold government officials accountable for their actions, is the most effective although not the only way to achieve and sustain such a polity. The most important determinants of democratic development have been underlying socioeconomic conditions and institutional changes initiated by strategically calculating political elites. In countries that suffer from some combination of internal strife, poverty, limited governmental capacity, or a dearth of liberal institutions even if elections take place, the prospects for developing full-fledged democracy based solely on domestic resources and actors are poor—and the perverse incentives generated by the contemporary international environment often make matters worse. The fixity of borders, the near-absence of violent state death since 1945, and the availability of revenues from raw-materials exports and foreign aid have reduced the incentives for political leaders in badly governed and postconflict countries to craft deals with their own citizens that could give rise to self-enforcing institutions of the sort that improve life generally for a society and all those living within it. The leaders of today’s powerful democratic states have a large stake in promoting better governance in failed, failing, and postconflict countries. The disease, criminality, humanitarian crises, and terrorist threats that such countries tend to breed will not remain within their borders Stephen D. Krasner is Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations and director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. His books include Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (1999) and Problematic Sovereignty (2001).

101 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20241
20231,775
20223,691
2021802
20201,086
20191,042