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Sovereignty
About: Sovereignty is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 25909 publications have been published within this topic receiving 410148 citations.
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30 Nov 2002
TL;DR: In this paper, the intersection of economics and politics has been explored in the context of aid-for-peace bargains and conditionality in aid allocation in El Salvador and Guatemala.
Abstract: INTRODUCTION Peace conditionality The argument in brief 1. Aid for Peace? Trial and error in Bosnia Aid-for-peace bargains 2. The Internal Politics of External Existence The intersection of economics and politics Aid and power in Cambodia Striking the balance 3. Peace Dividends: Aid and Fiscal Policy Paying for peace in El Salvador Fiscal targets in the Guatemalan peace accords Fiscal policies for building peace 4. The Humanitarian Dilemma The specre of the well-fed dead Smart aid Humanitarian exemptions 5. Obstacles to Peace Conditionality Competing 'national interests' Reforming donor agencies Whose sovereignty? CONCLUSION NOTES
73 citations
TL;DR: Sovereignty is at the core of the UK's chronically contentious relationship with, and within, the European Union (EU). In order for EU membership to be an expression rather than an erosion of British sovereignty governments must influence the direction of European policy and the level of UK involvement.
Abstract: Sovereignty is at the core of the UKs chronically contentious relationship with, and within, the European Union (EU). In order for EU membership to be an expression rather than an erosion of British sovereignty governments must influence the direction of European policy and the level of UK involvement. Labour has, it is argued, established an effective accommodation between continued membership of the European Union and British parliamentary sovereignty understood as the continued efficacy of executive power. Nevertheless, this policy has lacked a wider legitimacy and in key respects Euroscepticism has been reasserted by the Labour leadership. Consequently, when viewed from the perspective of popular sovereignty, the nation and the people, the UKs relationship to the European Union remains highly contested and unresolved. It is this aspect of sovereignty that is central to the Conservative Partys continued Euroscepticism. In the political mainstream, it is argued that Eurosceptic Britishness has become politically dominant however this is complicated by the UKs multi-nationalism and the rise of pro-Europeanism in separatist and regional politics. Alongside this it is proposed that British conceptions of economic sovereignty are in flux following economic crisis, contributing to an overall uncertainty in the UKs European trajectory.
73 citations
TL;DR: The United States has been a consciously and steadily expanding nation since 189o as mentioned in this paper, and the history of American foreign policy can be traced back to the early 19th century, when the United States became a world power.
Abstract: ONE OF THE CENTRAL THEMES of American historiography is that there is no American Empire. Most historians will admit, if pressed, that the United States once had an empire. They promptly insist that it was given away. But they also speak persistently of America as a World Power.' Whatever language is used to describe the situation, the record of American diplomacy is clear in one point. The United States has been a consciously and steadily expanding nation since 189o. This essay is an initial exploration of one of the dynamic causes behind that extension of varying degrees of American sovereignty throughout the world. Three continuing and interacting processes produce foreign policy. First, the domestic and overseas activity of the citizenry, and of other countries, which forces a government to take action in the international area. Second, the nature of that official action. And third, the reactions that such policies provoke among its own people and on the part of the foreigners who are affected. The circle is thus closed and rolls on through time. In studying foreign policy it ultimately becomes necessary to break into this continuity and find out, if possible, what the people in question thought they were doing. One way to do this is to reconstruct the reality with which given men were forced to deal, look at it through their eyes, interpret it with their ideas, and then conclude as to the consequences of such a world view. The argument here, based on such a methodology, is that a set of ideas, first promulgated in the 189o's, became the world view of subsequent
73 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that if we see democracy not just as a form of government, but more basically as a kind of sovereignty, then there is a way to conceive of judicial review as a legitimate democratic institution, and they discuss the conditions under which judicial review is appropriate in a constitutional democracy.
Abstract: It has long been argued that the institution of judicial review is incompatible with democratic institutions. This criticism usually relies on a procedural conception of democracy, according to which democracy is essentially a form of government defined by equal political rights and majority rule. I argue that if we see democracy not just as a form of government, but more basically as a form of sovereignty, then there is a way to conceive of judicial review as a legitimate democratic institution. The conception of democracy that stems from the social contract tradition of Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Rawls, is based in an ideal of the equality, independence, and original political jurisdiction of all citizens. Certain equal basic rights, in addition to equal political rights, are a part of democratic sovereignty. In exercising their constituent power at the level of constitutional choice, free and equal persons could choose judicial review as one of the constitutional mechanisms for protecting their equal basic rights. As such, judicial review can be seen as a kind of shared precommitment by sovereign citizens to maintaining their equal status in the exercise of their political rights in ordinary legislative procedures. I discuss the conditions under which judicial review is appropriate in a constitutional democracy. This argument is contrasted with Hamilton's traditional argument for judicial review, based in separation of powers and the nature of judicial authority. I conclude with some remarks on the consequences for constitutional interpretation.
73 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that social constructivism can explain the paradox that the principle of state sovereignty proves to be resilient despite its empirical decline, by considering sovereign statehood as a process-dependent institutional fact, and by showing that multilevel governance can feed into this process.
Abstract: Multilevel governance presents a depiction of contemporary structures in EU Europe as consisting of overlapping authorities and competing competencies. By focusing on emerging non-anarchical structures in the international system, hence moving beyond the conventional hierarchy/anarchy dichotomy to distinguish domestic and international arenas, this seems a radical transformation of the familiar Westphalian system and to undermine state sovereignty. Paradoxically, however, the principle of sovereignty proves to be resilient despite its alleged empirical decline. This article argues that social constructivism can explain the paradox, by considering sovereign statehood as a process-dependent institutional fact, and by showing that multilevel governance can feed into this process.
73 citations