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Sovereignty

About: Sovereignty is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 25909 publications have been published within this topic receiving 410148 citations.


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TL;DR: In the 15-member EU mutual interference in each other's domestic a€airs has become a long-accepted practice as discussed by the authors, where representatives of Luxembourg and Denmark take their place round the table in NATO ministerial meetings, in EU Councils, and in the extensive network of committees through which these and other European institutions operate; representatives of Scotland and Bavaria do not.
Abstract: No government in Europe remains sovereign in the sense understood by diplomats or constitutional lawyers of half a century ago. Within the 15-member EU mutual interference in each other's domestic a€airs has become a long-accepted practice. Its extra-territorial jurisdiction extends across Norway, Switzerland and Iceland, states which recognize the supremacy of EU rules as an unavoidable consequence of their dependence on open access to its economic and social space. West European security is managed through NATO, an integrated alliance with joint commands, a (small) common budget and a number of multinational units. European security is managed through the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, whose rules requiring `transparency' in military forces and deployments are reinforced by the intrusive inspection procedures agreed under the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty. The legitimate units within these institutions remain states. Representatives of Luxembourg and Denmark take their place round the table in NATO ministerial meetings, in EU Councils, and in the extensive network of committees through which these and other European institutions operate; representatives of Scotland and Bavaria do not. Yet the interaction of these thousands of representatives, engaged in multiple continuous negotiations, information exchange, coalition-building, informal trade-o€s among likeminded ocials and ministers in di€erent governments, is of an entirely di€erent quality from the monolithic external sovereignty of the nineteenth century European state. Ministers' diaries are ®lled with multilateral meetings, and with rounds of bilateral consultations to prepare for them. Ocials from every major department within national governments travel abroad, up to 2±3 days a week, to sit together in committees and to consult informally. Military and police ocers, customs and immigration ocials train together and work together. To a remarkable degree, the processes of government in Europe overlap and interlock: among di€erent states, between di€erent levels of governance below and above the old locus of sovereignty in the nationstate. States, furthermore, are not the only signi®cant actors within these institutions. The secretariats and parliamentary assemblies of NATO and WEU play

134 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that criminal actors are part of a hybrid state, an emergent political formation in which multiple governmental actors are entangled in a relationship of collusion and divestment.
Abstract: In inner-city neighborhoods in Kingston, Jamaica, criminal "dons" have taken on a range of governmental functions. While such criminal actors have sometimes been imagined as heading "parallel states," I argue that they are part of a hybrid state, an emergent political formation in which multiple governmental actors—in this case, criminal organizations, politicians, police, and bureaucrats—are entangled in a relationship of collusion and divestment, sharing control over urban spaces and populations. Extending recent scholarship on variegated sovereignty and neoliberal shifts in governance, I consider the implications of this diversification of governmental actors for the ways that citizenship is experienced and enacted. The hybrid state both produces and relies on distinct political subjectivities. It is accompanied by a reconfigured, hybrid citizenship, in which multiple practices and narratives related to rule and belonging, to rights and responsibilities, are negotiated by a range of actors. - See more at: http://www.anthrosource.net/Abstract.aspx?issn=0094-0496&volume=40&issue=4&doubleissueno=0&article=339507&suppno=0&jstor=False&cyear=2013#sthash.6XmjPANm.dpuf

134 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Antje Wiener1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the potential for conflict caused by moving fundamental norms such as human rights, citizenship, sovereignty or the rule of law outside the bounded territory of states creates a situation of enhanced contestedness.
Abstract: Constitutionalism is ‘a legal limitation on government’ and ‘an antithesis of arbitrary rule’ It is this aspect of constitutionalism which the contributions to this special issue discuss with reference to various forms of governance beyond the state It focuses on accommodating cultural diversity within the constitutional framework of one State (eg Canada) and on addressing recognition in a constitutional framework beyond the State (eg the European Union, the United Nations, or, the World Trade Organization) Once constitutional norms are dealt with outside their sociocultural context of origin, a potentially conflictive situation emerges based on de-linking two sets of social practices (ie cultural and organizational practices) The article argues that the potential for conflict caused by moving fundamental norms such as human rights, citizenship, sovereignty or the rule of law outside the bounded territory of states a decoupling of the customary from the organizational occurs, which creates a situation of enhanced contestedness That is, through this transfer between contexts the meaning of norms becomes contested — as differently socialized individuals (politicians, civil servants, NGO activitis, parliamentarians or lawyers trained in different legal traditions) seek to interpret them That is, while in supranational contexts actors may agree on the validity of a particular norm, say for example human rights, that agreement may not be recognised outside these limited negotiating contexts Subsequently, associative connotations with normative meaning is likely to differ according to experience with norm-use It is therefore important to ‘recover’ the hidden interrelation between cultural and organizational practices Both contribute to the interpretation of meanings that are entailed in fundamental norms which are, in turn, constitutive for democratic governance beyond the state

134 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
David Thelen1
TL;DR: A mere third of a century later, familiar nation-states look fragile, constructed, imagined, even as they possess the very real capacities to collect taxes, recruit and deploy armed forces, manage legal systems, and allocate resources.
Abstract: When I was in graduate school in Madison, Wisconsin, in the 1960s, nation-states were the self-evident focus for the discipline of history. Nations expressed people's identities, arbitrated their differences and solved their problems, focused their dreams, exercised their collective sovereignty, fought their wars. Modern professional historical scholarship grew up alongside the nation-state, its mission to document and explain the rise, reform, and fall of nation-states. And professional history developed a civic mission to teach citizens to contain their experience within nation-centered narratives. Now, a mere third of a century later, familiar nation-states look fragile, constructed, imagined, even as they possess the very real capacities to collect taxes, recruit and deploy armed forces, manage legal systems, and allocate resources. Their capacity to govern was battered from the Left in the 1960s and the Right in the 1980s, in slogans like "self-determination" that evoke people on the march and those like "globalization" that seem beyond human reach. While some movements challenged the sovereignty of established nation-states from above in the name of the European Union or the North American Free Trade Agreement, others challenged the sovereignty of established states from below in the name of the potential nation-states of Kosovo, Serbia, Chiapas, Quebec, Palestine, Scotland, Lombardy, East Timor, and Catalonia. With nationalisms exploding not only in movements for new nations but also in such diverse directions as "Queer Nation," "black nationalism," and "Nation of Islam," the greatest threat to nation-states seemed often to come from nationalist movements. The spread across national borders of institutions such as multinational corporations and CNN, of social movements such as feminism and environmentalism, and

133 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20241
20231,775
20223,691
2021802
20201,086
20191,042