Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1970"

In Defense of Anarchism

Abstract: In Defense of Anarchism is a 1970 book by the philosopher Robert Paul Wolff, in which the author defends individualist anarchism He argues that individual autonomy and state authority are mutually exclusive and that, as individual autonomy is inalienable, the moral legitimacy of the state collapses

A history of Brazil

Abstract: List of IllustrationsAcknowledgmentsIntroduction1. Interactions: New Challenges and ContinuitiesThe LandThe IndianThe EuropeanDiscovery and ChallengesPatterns for the Future2. The Colonial ExperienceSocial AmalgamationTerritorial ExpansionEconomic and Political Dependency3. Nation BuildingPsychological and Intellectual Formation of NationhoodThe Braganzas in BrazilPolitical IndependenceChaos Into Order4. Modernization and ContinuityCoffee as a Motor of ChangeMaterial TransformationProgress and DependencyStatesmen and Diplomats5. Change and ContinuityNew Social Groups and New IdeasAbolition, Immigration, and LaborThe Middle Groups and the MilitaryIncorporating Rural Folk into Capitalism6. The New BrazilThe Old Republic AscendingThe Triumph of DiplomacyExploiting the AmazonThe Decline of the Old Republic7. The Challenge of ChangeNew Themes in HistoryIntellectual and Political FermentShifting Patterns of PowerNationalism and Industrialization8. Reform, Radicalization, and ReactionDemocratizationDevelopmental NationalismsGrowing PainsA Political SurpriseThe Promise or Threat of Reform9. The Past as PresentMilitary DictatorshipThe Masquerade of DemocracyFrontiers of ChallengeAppendix 1: Chiefs of State of BrazilAppendix 2: A Chronology of Significant Dates in Brazilian HistoryA Glossary of Portuguese Words Used in the TextThe Novel as History: A Bibliographic EssayIndex

Reflections on the dissent of contemporary youth.

Abstract: It is not without diffidence that one undertakes to write yet one more paper on youth. The literature on contemporary "unrest" is growing by the week, the day, the hour. Much of it reflects a pro found unrest among adults?a traumatized state, in fact, that seeks catharsis in hurried attempts to reassert intellectual mastery over a shocking course of events. The conclusions reached, therefore, tend to become outdated during the very period of publication. At this point, then, only the double promise of some systematic clarification of the divergent phenomena of dissent and of some gain for the theory of development justifies writing about dissent at all. My re flections will concentrate on what we have learned about the place and function of youth in the human life cycle in all its historical relativity, and about the fateful role of childhood in historical change. In writing for a professional journal, one can take the assump tion for granted that there is, there must be, a pervasive irra tional involvement in any attempt on the part of adults to reorient themselves in the face of youthful challenges; for youth, almost by definition, has a presence that defies theorizing. One may also assume agreement that a historical self-critique of psychoanalysis as well as other schemata of human development must include an assessment of the role that their discoveries are playing in the ideo logical tensions of our time. If rebellious youth in the second part of this fast-moving century must manage and transcend the revolution ary changes of the first part, the influence of Freud's insights into unconscious motivation are now part of that burden. True, some young people can accept the new depth only by displaying it, some times passionately and often mockingly, on the very surface, or by 154

A History of Sub-Saharan Africa

Abstract: Introduction 1. The historical geography of Africa 2. Kingdoms on the Nile 3. The peoples of sub-Saharan Africa: society, culture and language 4. Crops, cows and iron 5. North-East Africa in the age of Aksum 6. Empires of the plains 7. East Africa and the Indian Ocean world 8. The lake plateau of East Africa 9. Societies and states of the West African forest 10. Kingdoms and trade in Central Africa 11.The peoples and states of Southern Africa 12. The arrival of the Europeans in sub-Saharan Africa 13. Diseases and crops: old and new 14. Slavery in Africa 15. The Atlantic slave trade 16. The Asian slave trade 17. Prelude to the European conquest of Africa 18. The European conquest of Africa 19. Africans, Dutch and the British in South Africa, 1480-1910 20. European colonial rule in Africa 21. The colonial legacy 22. Nationalism and the independence of colonial Africa 23. The union of South Africa and the apartheid state 24. A decade of hope 25. Cold War Africa 26. Africa at the beginning of the twenty-first century.

'We are not the only ones to blame': District Assemblies' perspectives on the state of planning in Ghana

Abstract: Planning has failed to exert effective influence on the growth of human settlements in Ghana. As a result, the growth of cities has been chaotic. The district assemblies, which are the designated planning authorities, are commonly blamed for this failure, yet little attention has been given to district assemblies’ perspectives of what factors lead to failures in planning. This paper attempts to fill this gap. Drawing on fieldwork in Ghana, it argues that, from the perspective of district assemblies, five major challenges inhibit planning, namely: an inflexible land ownership system, an unresponsive legislative framework, undue political interference, an acute human resource shortage, and the lack of a sustainable funding strategy. The paper concludes with proposals for reforming the planning system in Ghana.

External Variables, Institutional Structure & Dissent on State Supreme Courts

Abstract: State judiciaries have not received their proper share of attention from political scientists. Although there have been signs of change in this situation, it remains true that we know much more about the United States Supreme Court than about any court or group of courts at lower levels. The study of state courts presents many obstacles, so that if the present attempt to find out a little about the rates of dissent and the reasons therefore is not definitive, one can hardly blame the authors. One hopes that they will continue along the present lines.

United Nations Voting Patterns

Abstract: HANNA NEWCOMBE and ALAN G. NEWCOMBE are coeditors of Peace Research Abstracts Journal and Peace Research Reviews Journal for the Canadian Peace Research Institute, Oakville, Ontario, Canada. MICHAEL Ross was a student at the University of Toronto, Ontario, and spent a summer at the Canadian Peace Research Institute. The authors are grateful to Charles Wrigley, Michigan State University, for permitting them to use his data cards on the General Assembly voting record; to the University of Toronto Institute for Computer Research for allowing them free use of the computer; to the Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Toronto, and Arnold Simoni, Toronto, for financial support; to Michael Silbert and William Wyman for help with computer programming; to Norman Alcock and William Eckhardt, Canadian Peace Research Institute, for some calculations and many valuable suggestions; and to Virginia Young, Canadian Peace Research Institute, for typing.

Government Ethics Textbooks in Late Meiji Japan

Abstract: As one means of uniting the people behind the new regime, Japanese government authorities employed a series of ethics (shushin) textbooks in the schools during the Meiji period (1868–1912) and beyond With the appearance of fully government-produced texts in 1903 and their first revision in 1910, ideological patterns were established which were influential down to the last revision of the series in 1941 The 1910 revision fused old and new socio-ideological patterns and values under the designation of “national morals,” retrospectively known as the “family state” (kazoku kokka) ideology This was comprised of (1) a German “state organism” theory of state sovereignty, as the intellectual superstructure; (2) Confucian-like familyism, as the ethical base; and (3) ancient Shinto imperial mythology as the religious sanction Progression of thought in the textbooks placed crucial emphasis on the extension of loyalty from home and parents to nation and emperor through the absolute equation of filial piety and emperor-loyalty The frondine soldier, however, found difficulty reconciling the call to die for the emperor with his filial obligation to live for his parents This may be one reason why in successive revisions (especially 1941) the familial approach to national loyalty was downgraded in favor of a direct national-imperial appeal

The rural African party: political participation in Tanzania.

Abstract: Because the codes, rules and ideology of mass, single-party systems reach the village areas more slowly than do the tangible personalizations of party authority, a situation of potential misuse of power exists where rural party organizations operate. Peasants are aware of face-to-face confrontations by a familiar figure who has gained a party position; they are unaware of the precepts and regulations that the national party has laid down for the village level functionaries. Consequently, political victimization is most prounced at the very grass-root level that national leaders are attempting to integrate politically. Moreover, by its nature the rural party is a multi-faceted organization that is acceptable to the peasants because its leaders provide services that in more structured societies are carried out by specific agencies and contracts. Functions such as family arbitration, police investigation and criminal adjudication are mixed with the more classical party activities of representation and the dispensing of patronage. Taken together, the above two characteristics of a rural party—potential abuse, and the multi-faceted nature—significantly influence the extent and form of political participation in the areas they serve. This article attempts to analyze these characteristics in Tanzania, and thereafter to assess rural party participation, and more broadly to suggest the theoretical dimensions of political participation in a new nation. Participation, it may be argued, is the problem par excellence for leaders of the new nations. The building of a state, both in terms of economic development and in the creation of a national consciousness, depends upon some type of participation by the citizens.

Two Newly Created Capitals: Islamabad and Brasilia

Abstract: The new national capitals of Islamabad in Pakistan and Brasilia in Brazil are the result of a similar decision by these two nations to shift governmental functions away from older and more settled regions to lesser developed regions in their interior (see figures I and 2). Since both of these countries are federal states, their commitment to the establishment of a 'created capital'1 in a region with no distinctive claim to individuality is by no means a unique political act.2 States of this type usually contain several regional cores. As a consequence, regional interests are commonly so divergent that no single core has a clear-cut claim to political superiority. Therefore, as Spate points out, 'The device of forming a neutral district, abstracted from the control of any of the states of the federation, and the building therein of a new city devoted specifically to federal administration is an obvious answer to the problem/3 'Created capitals' of the past have been relatively small in size,4 and uni-functional in nature; they invariably have been perceived by government 'decision makers' as small administrative cities rather than as large metropolitan centres capable of becoming primate cities or major regional cores. Devoted almost exclusively to the business of government and located in a part of the state not strongly identified with vested interests or commercial pressure, the 'created capital' has conveyed a feeling of locational and functional neutrality. In this way it has served to allay the fears of those members of the state who tend to equate excessive federal control with large, well-established metropolitan centres of political power. Both Brazil and Pakistan hope to achieve a higher level of national cohesion by rejecting their former capitals of Rio de Janeiro and Karachi for a new capital site. But while Brasilia, in many respects, can be compared with previous 'created capitals', with the emphasis of its planners on administrative functions and restricted urban growth, Islamabad is being developed as a multi-functional capital city which may, in time, become one of the largest cities in Pakistan. A comparative analysis of Brasilia and Islamabad brings into sharp focus the fact that the federal governments of Brazil and Pakistan have envisioned the character of their 'created capital' in quite different perspectives. Although both countries have sought an interior location for their new national capital, the form and function of each is very unlike the other. This study is the result of an attempt to comprehend some of the significant political-spatial factors which have been important in the development of two such widely divergent contemporary approaches to the concept of the 'created capital'.

Ideology, Interests, and Foreign Policy

Abstract: Reasons for violent conflicts between states probably change with changes in the international system. For each system reflects and influences the values of its member states, and conflict within the system results from the incompatibility of those particular values. The crucial characteristic of the nation-state system is the insistence of every state to exist in sovereign equality. From this resolve national interests arise, either objectively or claimed by governments, influencing the behavior of states far more powerfully than other social interests or any other factors, ideology among them. Throughout the era of the nation-state system there has never been any doubt about the predominance of these interests. The argument for national interests as the prime mover has therefore been constant. It mirrors the enduring determination of peoples to have their state survive as an independent political entity. In contrast, the argument for ideology as a significant influence upon state behavior has been intermittent and popular when established values were challenged, as they were during revolutionary periods

Where beards wag all: The relevance of the oral tradition;

Abstract: standably, but scarcely forgivably, the publishers make only the most oblique reference to the date when the major research for this book was completed, when they admit that the preface has not been revised since before the last world war when it was written as a statement of the current state of play of British industrial history it is not surprisingly in need of some corrective surgery, so much so that amputation would probably have been the kindest course. It is only fair to add that had it and this book been published as they should have been in the mid-thirties, this review would have been very different indeed. It would then have paid warm tribute to Dr. Thomas's industry and scholarship, and to the important corrective he applied to the then orthodox view of the introduction of steam power into the British economySo I would like, therefore, to commend the author and his contribution to the historical scholarship of the nineteen-thirties, whilst honesty prevents me from recommending this present publication. It was not Dr. Thomas's fault, I know, that his work was not published earlier. NEIL McKENDRICK Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge.

The transformation of foreign policies

Abstract: FOREIGN policy has been radically transformed by the revolutionary processes of modernization not only in the societies composing the Atlantic region, but wherever high levels of modernization exist. There is a quality about modernization that dissolves the effects of what have generally been considered the major determinants of foreign policy, whether these determinants are based on ideology and type of political system (democratic versus totalitarian foreign policies, for example), or power and capability (great-power versus smallpower policies). Wherever modernized societies exist, their foreign policies are more similar to each other than they are to the foreign policies of nonmodernized societies, regardless of the scale of the society or its type of government. Both the international and the domestic settings in which foreign policies are formulated and conducted are subjected to continual and revolutionary transformation once high levels of modernization exist. Internationally, modernization is accompanied by increased levels and types of interdependencies among national societies. Domestically, it is associated with increased centralization of governmental institutions and governmental decision-making as well as with increased priorities for domestic rather than for external needs. As a result of these transformations, three general sets of conditions have developed. First, the ideal and classical distinctions between foreign and domestic affairs have broken down, even though the myths associated with sovereignty and the state have not. Second, the distinction between "high policies" (those associated with security and the continued existence of the state) and "low policies" (those pertaining to the wealth and welfare of the citizens) has become less important as low policies have assumed an increasingly large role in any society. Third, although there have been significant developments in the in-

The Death of the State in Marx and Engels

Abstract: The aim of this essay is to survey the thinking of Marx and Engels on the "dying-away" of the state* in socialist (communist) society. By passing in review what they wrote on the subject, to the extent practical without getting into ramifying issues, we will also consider how their understanding of the question developed through three fairly distinct periods.

Marx and the French Revolution

Abstract: Throughout his life Karl Marx commented on the French Revolution, but never was able to realize his project of a systematic work on this immense event. This book assembles for the first time all that Marx wrote on this subject. Francois Furetprovides an extended discussion of Marx's thinking on the revolution, and Lucien Calviesituates each of the selections, drawn from existing translations as well as previously untranslated material, in its larger historical context. With his early critique of Hegel, Marx started moving toward his fundamental thesis: that the state is a product of civil society and that the French Revolution was the triumph of bourgeois society. Furet's interpretation follows the evolution of this idea and examines the dilemmas it created for Marx as he considered all the faces the new state assumed over the course of the Revolution: the Jacobin Terror following the constitutional monarchy, Bonaparte's dictatorship following the parliamentary republic. The problem of reconciling his theory with the reality of the Revolution's various manifestations is one of the major difficulties Marx contended with throughout his work. The hesitation, the remorse, and the contradictions of the resulting analyses offer a glimpse of a great thinker struggling with the constraints of his own system. Marx never did elaborate a theory of an autonomous state, but he never stopped wrestling with the challenge to his doctrine posed by late eighteenth-century France, whose changing conditions and successive regimes prompted some of his most intriguing and, until now, unexplored thought."

The Constitutional Rights of Teachers and Professors

Abstract: The discussion examines the current state of educators' rights and identifies two key areas that are still hotly contested: extramural utterances that my be critical of the institution itself and a teacher's freedom with his own classroom. A survey of two recent cases illuminates these issues.

The Influence of Jurchen Rule on Chinese Political Institutions

Abstract: This paper is an attempt to assess the influences of the Jurchen Chin dynasty (1115–1234) on the Chinese political system, with emphasis on the bearing of alien rule on the establishment of a highly centralized despotism. The thesis is that the Jurchen solutions to the political problems arisen from the conquest situation seem to require measures of centralized control. During the initial phase of conquest, the political struggles between the bureaucrats and the aristocrats entailed the brutalization of the political process. Subsequently the need for centralized control led to wholesale sinicization. There are, however, several aspects of Jurchen rule in the formation of a centralized despotism: the establishment of a prototype of the provincial system, the abolition of important government councils, the monopoly of state affairs by a single administrative organization, the degradation of scholar-officials by inflicting corporal punishment, and the transformation of the censorate into an imperial instrument. The alien rules also adopted and modified the Chinese civil service examination system to stabilize their regime. The Chin, as a successor state of the Northern Sung, served as an important link in Chinese cultural and political developments, and transferred its institutions to later conquest dynasties.

Kurdish Women in the Zone of Genocide and Gendercide

Abstract: The first political struggles for women’s emancipation coincide with the rise of nations, nationalism, and the nation-state during the bourgeois democratic revolutions of the late eighteenth century. This formation of modern nation states has generally been associated with the use of violence. War, massacre, genocide, and ethnic cleansing are some of the forms of violence used by both premodern and modern states throughout the world. All these forms of violence have been patriarchal. State violence and patriarchal violence have been and still are inseparable.

The Governance of Education in Australia: Centralization and Politics

Abstract: The centralization of power in the state and federal legislatures and in their associated professional bureaucracies is a notable feature of both educational and general political decision making in Australia. In this paper “governance” refers to the process of exercising authoritative control, “politics” to public policy making and its resolution. Formal public participation in Australian educational decision making is shown to be minimal, being limited to representation by elected members in the state and federal legislatures. There is no local governmental structure or tax for education. The existing structures and their origins are explained. Two hypotheses derived from the work of Iannaccone are tested. The first states that the longer educational issues remain unsolved in the extra‐legal social networks and lower level legal areas the more likely it is that decisions on these questions will be made by central government departments and agencies. The second states that the more that questions of educational policy are resolved by central departments and agencies the more likely it is that educational policies will become undifferentiated from other kinds of politics or from politics as relating to other policy areas of government. An examination of political developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries supports both hypotheses.