Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1974"

Lineages of the Absolutist State

Abstract: The political nature of Absolutism has long been a subject of controversy within historical materialism. Developing considerations advanced in Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism, this book situates the Absolutist states of the early modern epoch against the prior background of European feudalism. It is divided into two parts. The first discusses the overall structures of Absolutism as a state-system in Western Europe, from the Renaissance onwards; and the difficult question of the relations between monarchy and nobility institutionalised by it, for which it suggests a general periodization. It then looks in turn at the trajectory of each of the specific Absolutist states in the dominant countries of the West - Spain, France, England and Sweden, set off against the case of Italy, where no major indigenous Absolutism developed. The second part of the work sketches a comparative prospect of Absolutism in Eastern Europe. It begins with an enquiry into the reasons why the divergent social conditions in the more backward half of the continent should have produced political forms apparently similar to those of the more advanced West. The peculiarities, as well as affinities, of Eastern Absolutism as a distinct type of royal state, are examined. The variegated monarchies of Prussia, Austria and Russia are surveyed, and the lessons asked of the counter-example of Poland. Finally, the structure of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans is taken as an external gauge by which the singularity of Absolutism as a European phenomenon is assessed. The work ends with some observations on the special position occupied by European development within universal history, which draws themes from both Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism and Lineages of the Absolutist State together into a single argument -- within their common limits -- as materials for debate. Two postscript notes treat, respectively, the notion of the 'Asiatic mode of production,' with particular reference to Islamic and Chinese history, and the experience of Japanese feudalism, as relevant controls for a study of the evolution of Europe up to the advent of industrial capitalism.

The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article (1964)

Abstract: 1. The Concept. By "the public sphere" we mean first of all a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Access is guaranteed to all citizens. A portion of the public sphere comes into being in every conversation in which private individuals assemble to form a public body.1 They then behave neither like business or professional people transacting private affairs, nor like members of a constitutional order subject to the legal constraints of a state bureaucracy. Citizens behave as a public body when they confer in an unrestricted fashion--that is, with the guarantee of freedom of assembly and association and the freedom to express and publish their opinions-about matters of general interest. In a large public body this kind of communication requires specific means for transmitting information and influencing those who receive it. Today newspapers and magazines, radio and television are the media of the public sphere. We speak of the political public sphere in contrast, for instance, to the literary one, when public discussion deals with objects connected to the activity of the state. Although state authority is so to speak the executor of the political public sphere, it is not a part of it.2 To be sure, state authority is usually considered "public" authority, but it derives its task of caring for the well-being of all citizens primarily from this aspect of the public sphere. Only when the exercise of political control is effectively subordinated to the democratic demand that information be accessible to the public, does the political public sphere win an institutionalized influence over the government through the instrument of law-making bodies. The expression "public opinion" refers to the tasks of criticism and control which a public body of citizens informally--and, in periodic elections, formally as wellpractices vis-d-vis the ruling structure organized in the form of a state. Regulations demanding that certain proceedings be public (Publizitdtsvor-

Bureaucratic politics and foreign policy

Abstract: The first edition of Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy is one of the most successful Brookings titles of all time. This thoroughly revised version updates that classic analysis of the role played by the federal bureaucracy --civilian career officials, political appointees, and military officers --and Congress in formulating U.S. national security policy, illustrating how policy decisions are actually made. Government agencies, departments, and individuals all have certain interests to preserve and promote. Those priorities, and the conflicts they sometimes spark, heavily influence the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. A decision that looks like an orchestrated attempt to influence another country may in fact represent a shaky compromise between rival elements within the U.S. government. The authors provide numerous examples of bureaucratic maneuvering and reveal how they have influenced our international relations. The revised edition includes new examples of bureaucratic politics from the past three decades, from Jimmy Carter's view of the State Department to conflicts between George W. Bush and the bureaucracy regarding Iraq. The second edition also includes a new analysis of Congress's role in the politics of foreign policymaking.

Russia Under the Old Regime

Abstract: Chapter 1 The environment and its consequences: The geographic setting - vegetation, soils, climate, precipitation and waterways The influence of Russia's northern location on her economy - short farming season, poor yields, lack of markets, unprofitability of farming, industrial side-occupations (promysly) Influence on population movement Influence on social organization - joint family, peasant commune (obshchina) Influence on political organization - incompatibility of means and ends, the "patrimonial" system as solution. PART 1 THE STATE: Chapter 2 The genesis of the patrimonial state in Russia: Slav colonization of Russian territory The Norman (Kievan) state - the commercial nature of the state, succession pattern, assimilation of Normans, origins of the name Rus'-Rossiia, the Norman legacy The dissolution of the Kievan state - centrifugal forces, north-west - Novgorod, Lithuania and Poland The appanage (patrimonial) principality of the north-east: the colonization of the Volga-Oka region, new political attitudes, the appanage principality as property, the prince's domain, the princely administration within and without, Boyars and boyar land, "Black land" The problem of feudalism in appanage Russia - political decentralization, vassalage, conditional land tenure, the political consequences of the absence in Russia of feudal tradition Mongol conquest and domination - the invasion, character of rule and its influence on Russian politics. Chapter 3 The Triumph of patrimonialism: The rise of Moscow - "monocracy" and "autocracy", the great principality of Vladimir and the Nevsky clan, Ivan I. Kalita, succession by primogeniture The patrimonial principality - confusion of dominium and imperium, domainial origin of Russia's administration, failure to distinguish crown and state properties The politicization of Moscow's patrimonial rulers - dissolution of the Golden Horde and collapse of Byzantium, the Mongol-Tatar sources of the Russian idea of kingship, Gosudar' as sovereign The expansion of Moscow - its psychological effects, the conquest of Novgorod by Ivan III, subsequent acquisitions. Chapter 4 The anatomy of the patrimonial regime: Servitors and commoners The service estate - Boyars lose-right of free departure, Mestnichestvo as last Boyar weapon, the rise of dvoriane, the oprichnina, terms and forms of service Commoners - Tiaglo, serfdom - its rise and spread The administration - Duma, Sobor, bureaucracy Mechanism of control and repression - denunciation as civic duty, closed frontiers. Chapter 5 The partial dismantling of the patrimonial state: The crisis of the patrimonial system The military reforms of Peter I - shortcomings of the old army, creation of a standing army, effect on commoners - soul tax and conscription, effect on servitors - compulsory schooling and table of ranks Construction of St Petersburg The idea of "public good" and its implications Creation of a political police under Peter I. (Part contents).

Max Weber and the theory of modern politics

Abstract: Introduction to the Second Edition. 1. Max Weber as Political Theorist. 2. Weber as Protagonist of Borgeois Values. 3. The Limits of Bureaucratic Rationality. 4. Parliment and Democracy. 5. Nationalism and the Nation State. 6. Society, Class and State: Germany. 7. Society, Class and State: Russia. 8. Class Society and Plebiscitary Leadership. 9.Social Science and Political Practice. Bibliography. Index.

The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Tanzania

Abstract: With the recent work of Samir Amin and others, Marxist understanding of African economies has begun to progress; political analysis has lagged far behind however. For too long the ground has been ceded, by default, to the ideologues of establishment political science and to their various permutations on the themes of "political modernization" and "one-party states". This comment applies not merely to "radical Africana" of course. A similar short-fall in radicalism's scientific understanding of the political can be noted with reference to Asia and Latin America as well. The problem of "the state" as it presents itself in the context of "underdevelopment" has been undertheorized and little researched. The present essay seeks to contribute to a further discussion of this issue.

Dissolving the State: Three Recent Perspectives on International Relations

Abstract: Transnational Relations and World Politics by Robert O. Keohane; Joseph S. Nye,; The Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis by Graham Allison; Political Leadership and Collective Goods by Norman Frohlich; Joe A. Oppenheimer Review by: R. Harrison Wagner International Organization, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Summer, 1974), pp. 435-466 Published by: University of Wisconsin Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706301 . Accessed: 25/03/2014 13:42

The Honduran Army in the Sociopolitical Evolution of the Honduran State

Abstract: REQUENTLY, commentators on political developments in various small Central American nations describe the political participation of the military as if it were an unchanging and ineluctable force that had conditioned public life from time immemorial. Unfortunately, such a perspective not only distorts historical reality but makes it extremely difficult to offer accurate interpretations of current events. While it seems fundamentally correct to assert that Latin American military institutions differ from such organizations in other less developed areas in that they were forged in the crucible of 19th rather than 20th century events, such a generalization cannot apply to every Hispanic nation.' A more adequate representation of reality might be that there are essentially two types of Latin American military establishments which relate in quite different ways to their respective political systems. First, there is that class of military organization where institutional identities were fairly well established by the early 20th century and, secondly, there are those which bear a closer affinity to military establishments in the new nations. Here, there has been a very late process of institutional consolidation which makes the behavioral patterns of these institutions particularly volatile.

Federal Policy, Local Power, and Metropolitan Segregation

Abstract: Through much of American history, the most elemental flaw of the American federal system was its inability to protect basic rights of black Americans in the southern and border state regions. It is ironic that only a decade after the decisive exercise of national power to force change in the South, American federalism should once again be entangled in a set of seemingly intractable issues of race. No sooner did public action clear away the most blatant denials of the right to vote, to use public accommodations, and to attend desegregated schools, than fundamental issues were raised about the implications of pervasive and rapidly spreading segregation in the center of the great metropolitan areas of the North and West. Even the rhetoric is similar. Once again the defenders of the existing arrangements appeal to the tradition of local control and once again the state governments join the battle against national regulation in Congress and in the courts. Once again the civil rights organizations turn to the federal courts and appeal to executive agencies, searching for the power to force the changes in the structure of local government, which they see as the only alternative to a future of metropolitan apartheid. The United States today faces racial segregation in its urban complexes on a scale that would have been virtually unimaginable a generation ago. Great cities, long considered typical American cities, have become the

Zambia's Second Republic —the Establishment of a One-Party State

Abstract: Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.

The United States and the Caribbean Republics, 1921-1933

Abstract: Between 1921 and 1933, the United States moved from a policy of active intervention to a policy of noninterference in the internal political affairs of the Caribbean states. How the shift from the diplomacy of the Taft and Wilson administrations to the Good Neighbor policy of Franklin Roosevelt occurred is the subject of Dana Gardner Munro's book. The author draws on official records and on his personal experience as a member of the Latin American Division of the United States Department of State to piece together the history of the transition in diplomatic policy.Professor Munro concentrates on several important issues that changed the tone of the relations of the United States with Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and the five Central American Republics: the failure to compel political reforms in Cuba from 1921 to 1923; the withdrawal of the occupations from the Dominican Republic and Haiti; the intervention in Nicaragua; the response to the Machado and Trujillo dictatorships; and the refusal to recognize revolutionary governments in Central America. The author's analysis sheds new light on the much-discussed Clark memorandum, on the degree to which policy furthered the interests of bankers and businessmen, and on the attitude of the American government toward dictatorial regimes.Originally published in 1974.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

State Formation in Africa

Abstract: §9539 Africa is tremendously important in the recent study of the state, not only because more new nation states were formed in Africa during the 1960s than had been formed in the rest of the world for many centuries, but also because immediately pre-colonial Africa, at the end ofthe nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, offered more examples of emergent states than any other region of the world. This was because in other continents such as Asia or even Europe most of the smaller states of this type had long been absorbed into larger empires, while in aboriginal Australia state forms never evolved at all, and in the vast area of pre-Colombian America they were only achieved in the limited areas

Military Bureaucracy in the Cultural Revolution

Abstract: ihe object of this paper is to review the performance of the military bureaucracy during the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" (GPCR), especially as it related to civilian Chinese Communist Party behavior, in order to assess how a military dominated post-Mao era might differ from a civilian led China. Within that broad question, the paper focuses on leadership at provincial and local levels-a political elite which is especially important in determining China's domestic policies. It is argued that the policy results at the provincial and local levels will be much the same regardless of whether the "cadres" (functionaries and officials) are from the PLA or the civilian Party establishment. One fundamental assumption underlies the thesis-that China has been and remains today a bureaucratic state. The GPCR was in part intended to reduce the bureaucracy in size while simultaneously making it a more responsive government. This it failed to do. It is moot even whether the GPCR succeeded in reducing the size of the governmental apparatus. Civilian per. sonnel were cut back during the latter stages of the GPCR, but with the involvement of PLA organizations in governmental functions, the overall size of the bureaucracy may have remained about constant. The new governmental structures are probably more easily accessible from below as a result of the GPCR. Local cadres may more readily hear citizen complaints. However, in terms of manipulation from above, there are no indications that the new officialdom is any more responsive to orders from on high than was the pre-GPCR Party machinery.

Farm and Nation in Modern Japan: Agrarian Nationalism, 1870-1940

Abstract: A study of agrarian thought in prewar Japan, this bonk concentrates on the developing fissure between official and rural conceptions of nationalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Professor Havens analyzes the response of Japanese farmers and their spokesmen to the pursuit of modernization during the Meiji and Taisho periods. Through a critical examination of writings and speeches of major farm ideologues, including Gondo Seikyo, Tachibana Kozaburo, and Kato Kanji, the author examines the ways in which agrarianist theories shaped modern Japanese nationalism and the extent to which rural ideologies triggered political violence in the turbulent 1930s. He then focuses on the romantic rural communalism of the 1920s and 1930s as an example of antigovernment nationalism designed to rescue the Japanese people at large from bureaucracy, capitalism, and urbanization. Based on extensive research in modern Japanese ideological, political, and economic materials, the study offers new insight into the early twentieth century revolution in nationality sentiments and provides fresh grounds for doubting the state's monopoly on public loyalties during the years immediately preceding Pearl Harbor. Originally published in 1974. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The theory of the state and politics: a central paradox of Marxism

Abstract: It is commonplace to observe that while Marx saw the withering away of the state as necessary for communism, the state in ‘Communist’ societies has done anything but wither away. This seems to indicate a paradox in the Marxian theory, whose resolution would probably tend to undermine the theory itself. It is, however, argued that the expansion of the state in ‘Communist’ societies is only apparently contradictory to the Marxian theory, and that the theory in fact provides the basis for a most adequate account of this phenomenon. But the theory does have a genuinely paradoxical quality which lies in the tension between the political and its social basis, in the socialist movement. The fundamental component of the Marxian theory is its demonstration of the dependence of the state and politics on society; the problem then is the very status of ‘the political’ as a category, and especially the meaning of a ‘marxist politics’. Marxism itself demonstrates that the very existence of ‘politics in the direct and n...

The People's Republic of China in the United Nations: A Preliminary Analysis

Abstract: After having suffered from the self-inflicted wounds of internal convulsions and diplomatic isolation during the Cultural Revolution, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has returned to the world diplomatic scene with a new, vigorous, and imaginative foreign policy. To appreciate its dimensions fully, one must recall that China's foreign policy was left largely unprotected from the disruptive spillovers of the domestic quarrels during the Cultural Revolution. The Red Guards not only sacked the British chancery in Peking, but also seized their own Ministry of Foreign Affairs in August 1967. By November 1967, forty-four out of forty-five ambassadors were called home for “rectification,” leaving the durable Huang Hua in Cairo as the PRC's sole representative abroad. China's trade also suffered; by the end of September 1967, Peking had been involved in disputes of varying intensity with some thirty-two nations. However, the transition from revolutionary turmoil to pragmatic reconstruction came through a series of decisions made by Mao Tse-tung and his close advisors beginning in late July 1968 and culminating at the First Plenum of the Ninth Party Congress held in April 1969, ushering in a new era in Chinese foreign policy. toward the United Nations may be characterized as one of “love me or leave me, but don't leave me alone,” evolving through the stages of naive optimism, frustration, disenchantment, anger, and lingering envy and hope, the PRC's support of the principles of the United Nations Charter had remained largely unaffected from 1945 to 1964. However, the Indonesian withdrawal on January 7, 1965, triggered off a process of negative polemics against the United Nations. Indeed, Peking's bill of complaints against the United Nations was broad and sweeping: that blind faith in the United Nations had to be stopped because the organization was by no means sacred and inviolable; that by committing sins of commission and omission, the United Nations had become an adjunct of the U.S. State Department; that the United Nations had become a channel for United States economic and cultural penetration into Asian, African, and Latin American countries; and that the United Nations in the final analysis was a paper tiger.

Integralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church

Abstract: M I OST SCHOLARS HAVE APPROACHED THE SUBJECT of Brazilian Integralism either comparatively-as a hybrid of Continental Fascism-or ideologically-as Brazil's first right-wing, radical movement. Generally, however, neither approach has emphasized its intellectual and spiritual affinity to the Brazilian Catholic Church of the 1930s or noted the nature of its political connection with the Church. The more dramatic aspects of Integralism, such as its violence and its fascist trappings (green shirts, salutes, goose-stepping marches), have obscured the fact that Integralism often acted, although implicitly, as a political arm of the Catholic Church. It is the contention of this essay that attention to the symbiotic relationship obtaining between the Integralist movement and the Catholic Church between 1932 and 1937 sheds light on some frequently disregarded characteristics of Brazilian fascism and the nature of "political Catholicism" in this period. The Integralists' philosophical dependence on Catholic doctrine and the significant sphere of influence it offered the Church coincided with the Church's search for means to aggrandize its power in the state within the context of an elitist political strategy. The fact that the Brazilian Catholic Church of the 1930s pursued a multi-pronged approach to political power, utilizing diversified groups and tactics to attain its ends, has dimmed historians' awareness of the Church-Integralist accord. Such a shotgun approach to power was developed by Sebastiao Cardinal Leme, authoritative leader of the Church from 1928 until his death in 1942. Leme long had perceived the Church as an institution beleaguered by the growth of competitive value systems and by the position of inferiority imposed on it by the Constitution of 1891.1 His choice of an essentially elitist political

The Multinational Enterprise and Conflict in Canadian-American Relations

Abstract: Multinational private enterprise is perhaps the most prominent transnational organization active in world politics today. Increasing attention has been paid to the challenge to state sovereignty posed by multinational enterprise, either as an autonomous actor or as an instrument in interstate conflict. This question is of particular relevance to Canadian-American relations, because of the central role of foreign-owned (and especially American-owned) firms in the Canadian economy. This essay assesses the impact on the host Canadian government of the 27 identifiable cases of politicized conflict that have been generated in Canada by the activities of United States-owned multi-national enterprise from 1945 through 1971, and which are publicly known to have occurred.

Jack B. Tenney and the "Parasitic Menace": Anti-Communist Legislation in California 1940-1949

Abstract: D URING THE 1940s California experienced a persistent antisubversive campaign, particularly in the state legislature. Frustration with general political and economic conditions in California and the United States, individual political and social aspirations, and a general distrust of anything foreign fostered the efforts of citizen and government groups to eliminate anti-American activities. Throughout World War II, California's long coastline and the large number of Japanese Americans living in the state accentuated fears concerning alien ideas and undesirable residents. For some citizens and certain legislators, Communism constituted the greatest foreign threat to the country's institutions and security. Many politicians, not only in California but also throughout the United States, found the issue of Communism in American society and government a popular and successful campaign weapon.'

1. Peru's Ambiguous Revolution

Abstract: The Peruvian regime is generally seen not as the typical Latin American caudillo government but rather as an essentially in stitutional effort. Although a government of force, it is widely re garded as relatively unrepressive. More important, although the nation's force for order, the military has set out to transform many basic areas of national life. Major structural reforms have affected land tenure and water rights, labor-management rela tions, the educational system, the state's role in the economy and in the communications media, the role of foreign enterprise in Peru's economy, and even fundamental concepts of economic and political relationships. Particularly noteworthy has been the regime's announced determination to move steadily away from capitalist principles by creating a new "social property" eco nomic sector (based on collective ownership of the means of production), destined to become the "predominant" mode of economic organization. And the regime has emphasized its aim to promote a drastic change in national values, to create a "new Peruvian man," one dedicated to "solidarity, not individualism." From various foreign perspectives, Peru's current process of military-directed change is regarded with hope. For many on the international Left, Peru's approach seems especially signif icant, particularly now that the "Chilean way" has been so abruptly closed. From this vantage point, Peru is contrasted with Brazil. Leftist intellectuals have lost their jobs and rights and some have suffered torture in Brazil; many of their counter parts in Peru are advising the regime or are at least sympathetic to it. Bishops in Brazil condemn their regime; Peruvian bishops generally support theirs. The Brazilian regime promotes cap italist expansion, national and foreign, while the Peruvian gov ernment announces its aim to move away from capitalism. And while Brazil ties itself ever more closely to the United States,

The Erosion of External Sovereignty?1

Abstract: ‘EXTERNAL SOVEREIGNTY’ IS THE CONCERN OF THIS PAPER, AND THE extent to which it has been eroded, in substance if not in form, by the pressures of the modern world. The formal distinction between external sovereignty and internal sovereignty needs to be emphasized at the outset. Externally, sovereignty connotes equality of status between the states – the distinct and separate entities – which make up our international society. Internally, it connotes the exercise of supreme authority by those states within their individual territorial boundaries. From Bodin who, in De La Republique (1577), saw souverainete as the exclusive right ‘to give lawes unto all and everie one of its . . . subjects and to receive none from them’ to the Permanent Court of International Justice which, in the Wimbledon Case (1922), held that the sovereign state ‘is subject to no other state and has full and exclusive powers within its jurisdiction without prejudice to the limits set by applicable law’, the concept of the sovereign state has implied both supremacy within and equality of status without.