Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1978"

The Expansion of the Public Economy: A Comparative Analysis*

Abstract: In spite of the traditional legitimacy accorded the market mechanism of the private sector in advanced capitalist nations, governments in those nations have become more influential as providers of social services and income supplements, producers of goods, managers of the economy, and investors of capital. And in order to finance these various activities the revenues of public authorities have increased dramatically–to a point where they are now equivalent to one-third to one-half of a nation's economic product.This growth in governmental activity in advanced capitalist society is examined by considering the causes, and some of the consequences, of the expansion of the public economy–defined, following Schumpeter's discussion of the “tax state,” in terms of the extractive role of government. The primary concern of this article is to discover why some nations have experienced a far greater rate of increase in recent years and, as a result, have a much larger public economy than other nations. Five types of explanation are elaborated to account for the growth of the scope of governmental activity: (1) the level and rate of growth in the economic product; (2) the degree to which the fiscal structure of a nation relies on indirect, or “invisible,” taxes; (3) politics–in particular the partisan composition of government and the frequency of electoral competition; (4) the institutional structure of government; and (5) the degree of exposure of the economy to the international marketplace. The article evaluates the five explanations with data for 18 nations, and concludes by discussing some implications of the analysis.

State, Power, Socialism

Abstract: Developing themes of his earlier works, Poulantzas here advances a vigorous critique of contemporary Marxist theories of the state, arguing against a general theory of the state, and identifying forms of class power crucial to socialist strategy that goes beyond the apparatus of the state. This new edition includes an introduction by Stuart Hall, which critically appraises Poulantzas' achievement.

Class, crisis and the state

Abstract: One of the major works of the new American Marxism, Wright's book draws a challenging new class map of the United States and other, comparable, advanced capitalist countries today. It also discusses the various classical theories of economic crisis in the West and their relevance to the current recession, and contrasts the way in which the major political problem of bureaucracy was confronted by two great antagonists Weber and Lenin. A concluding essay brings together the practical lessons of these theoretical analyses, in an examination of the problems of left governments coming to power in capitalist states."

A nation is a nation, is a state, is an ethnic group is a … .

Abstract: (1978). A nation is a nation, is a state, is an ethnic group is a … . Ethnic and Racial Studies: Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 377-400.

Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy

Abstract: Stephen Krasner's assumption of a distinction between state and society is the root of his argument for the superiority of a statist interpretation of American foreign policy. Here he challenges the two dominant and rival interpretations of the relationship between state and society: interest group liberalism and Marxism. He contends that the state is an autonomous entity acting on behalf of the national interest, and that state behavior cannot be explained by group or class interest. On the basis of fifteen case studies drawn from extensive public records and published literature on American raw materials policy in the twentieth-century, Professor Krasner provides empirical substance to the debate about the meaning of the "national interest," the importance of bureaucratic politics, and the influence of business on American foreign policy.

An Empirical Study of Politico-Economic Interaction in the United States: A Reply

Abstract: N modern society, where government has assumed a major role in economic affairs and where the electorate has made it increasingly responsible for material well-being, it has become important to analyse the interaction between economic and political systems. Government should no longer be regarded as exogenous to the economic system. This is particularly the case with respect to econometric model building. As some authors have noted, an econometric model may be subject to serious misspecification if an endogenous variable (such as government expenditure) is treated as if it were exogenous.' The study of politico-economic interdependence also has important consequences for forecasting. As the future course of economic events is strongly dependent on government action, existing macroeconometric models that regard government as exogenous are of limited use for prediction. Furthermore, economic policy advice is often unsuccessful because it does not take political repercussions into account. A deflationary policy, for example, will hardly be adopted by a government just before an election because it carries with it a high risk of leading to government's losing the election. Politicoeconometric modelling helps economists concerned with government advising to advance proposals that have a reasonable chance of being put into action. This study puts forward some simple theoretical hypotheses concerning the nature of the interrelationship between the economy and the polity, particularly with respect to (central) government. The basic relationships are reflected in the popularity function, which describes the impact of economic conditions on government popularity; and in the reaction function, which shows how government uses policy instruments to steer the economy in a desired direction. These relationships are econometrically tested with quarterly data for the United States for the period 1953-1975. In the model both voters and government are assumed to be utility maximizers, and government's behavior is restricted by various economic, political and administrative constraints. The analysis shows that the government's (or in the case here dealt with, the president's) popularity is significantly reduced when the rate of unemployment and/or of inflation rises, and that it is significantly increased when the growth rate of private consumption rises. Government reacts to changes in its popularity because this is taken as an indicator of future electoral outcome. When popularity is low, it tries to steer the economy so as to increase its re-election chances; when popularity is high enough, it can afford to pursue ideologicallyoriented policies, which need not always be popular with the electorate. There have been a number of papers that have dealt with the influence of economic variables on election outcomes and on government popularity, most of which are unsatisfactory on theoretical and statistical grounds. There are, on the other hand, only a few that have been concerned with government reaction functions. Moreover, these studies have been either apolitical and interested only in the implied weights of a welfare function (e.g., Friedlaender, 1973); or they have related to only a particular section of the economy (e.g., Received for publication June 14, 1976. Revision accepted for publication November 30, 1976. * University of Zurich. A first version of this paper was written during a stay at the Cowles Foundation, Yale University. It was revised in the light of comments received when it was presented at the Cowles Foundation Seminar and at seminars at Princeton University, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and the Center for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. The authors are especially grateful to A. S. Blinder, J. M. Buchanan, R. C. Fair, G. M. Heal, D. F. Hendry, C. Goodrich, G. H. Kramer, G. Kirchgaessner, D. MacRae, W. D. Nordhaus, W. E. Oates, E. R. Tufte, G. Tullock, R. Wagner, and to the anonymous referees. ' See Crotty (1973), Goldfeld and Blinder (1972), Blinder and Solow (1974, pp. 69-77).

Tropics of Discourse

Abstract: Tropics of Discourse develops White's ideas on interpretation in history, on the relationship between history and the novel, and on history and historicism. Vico, Croce, Derrida, and Foucault are among the figures he assesses in this work, which also offers original interpretations of a number of literary themes, including the Wild Man and the Noble Savage. White's commentary ranges from a reappraisal of Enlightenment history to a reflective summary of the current state of literary criticism.

The political crisis of the 1850s

Abstract: Holt sees the Civil War as representing a breakdown in America's democratic political process, more specifically the Second Party System of Whigs and Democrats. He demonstrates this system's success, beginning in the 1820s and 1830s, in confining sectional disputes safely within the political arena. With the breakdown of vital two-party competition in the 1850s, sectional issues increasingly took on ideological dimension, causing, Americans North and South to see in them dangerous threats to cherished republican institutions. No longer manageable within the arena of politics, sectional differences had to be resolved with in the arena of battle. The Political Crisis of the 1850s offers a clearly written account of politics (state and federal), sectionalism, race, and slavery from the 1820s through to the Civil War, brilliantly combining the behavioral and ideological approaches to political history.

Adam Smith's Politics: An Essay in Historiographic Revision

Abstract: For most of the two hundred years or so that have passed since the publication of the Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith's writings on political and economic questions have been viewed within a liberal capitalist perspective of nineteenth- and twentieth- century provenance. This essay in interpretation seeks to provide a more historical reading of certain political themes which recur in Smith's writings by bringing eighteenth-century perspectives to bear on the problem. Contrary to the view that sees Smith's work as marking the point at which 'politics' was being eclipsed by 'economics', it claims that Smith has a 'politics' which goes beyond certain political attitudes connected with the role of the state in economic affairs. It argues that he employs a consistent mode of political analysis which cannot be encompassed within the standard liberal capitalist categories, but can be understood by reference to the language and qualities of contemporary political debate, and of the eighteenth-century science of politics cultivated by Montesquieu and, above all, Hume, particularly as revealed by recent scholarship. A concluding chapter draws the various strands of the interpretation together to form a portrait of what Smith might legitimately be said to have been doing when he wrote on these matters.

Physician participation in state Medicaid programs.

Abstract: Medicaid requires that physicians who accept Medicaid reimbursement for treating a patient agree to accept its payment as payment in full. Policy instruments under Medicaid's control are both levels of reimbursement and various administrative burdens imposed on physicians by the program. A model depicting the physician's participation decision is developed, and predictions from the comparative statics analysis are discussed. Data came from a 1975--76 survey of fee-for-service physicians. The results indicate that high fee schedules and low administrative burdens are ways to stimulate physician involvement with Medicaid patients. Results on the Medicaid policy instruments and other explanatory variables on the whole lend support to the model of physician behavior proposed earlier in the paper.

State and capital: A Marxist debate

Abstract: Give us 5 minutes and we will show you the best book to read today. This is it, the state and capital a marxist debate that will be your best choice for better reading book. Your five times will not spend wasted by reading this website. You can take the book as a source to make better concept. Referring the books that can be situated with your needs is sometime difficult. But here, this is so easy. You can find the best thing of book that you can read.

Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives

Abstract: The most characteristic, distinctive and persistent belief of American corporate executives is an underlying suspicion and mistrust of government. It distinguishes the American business community not only from every other bourgeoisie, but also from every other legitimate organization of political interests in American society. The scope of direct and indirect government support for corporate growth and profits does not belie this contention; on the contrary, it makes it all the more paradoxical. Why should the group in American society that has disproportionately benefited from governmental policies continue to remain distrustful of political intervention in the economy?It is of course possible to attribute at least some of the public distrust of government by members of the business community to political posturing; continually to denounce government is a way of assuring that the policies of government reflect corporate priorities. Wilbert E. Moore suggests:When businessmen did, and do, make extreme, ideologically oriented pronouncements on freedom from political interference, it is surely fair to say that they do not mean to be taken with total seriousness…Often, in fact, the sayers and the doers are not the same people… [T]he extreme spokesmen of business ideology are more often lawyers and public relations men than they are practicing executives…These are generally men, who like professors and Congressmen, ‘have never met a payroll’.

Policy Innovativeness as a Trait of American States

Abstract: 1HE LITERATURE MAKING USE of quantitative data in the comparative analysis of policy outputs across the American states has largely been dependent upon public expenditure levels as indicators of policy efforts. One of the few potential altematives has been measurements of policy innovativeness, most recently reintroduced for political analysis by Jack L. Walker.' While policy innovation might be measured in a number of ways, Walker has been especially concemed with a general tendency toward innovativeness of state govemments, or as rural sociologists refer to it, adoptionproneness.2 Certainly, American political folklore is rich in suggesting that some states are innovators while others are laggards. Findings by others in later research, however, cast some doubt upon not only the adequacy of the quantitative measures devised

The development of American citizenship, 1608-1870

Abstract: The concept of citizenship that achieved full legal form and force in mid-nineteenth-century America had English roots in the sense that it was the product of a theoretical and legal development that extended over three hundred years. This prize-winning volume describes and explains the process by which the cirumstances of life in the New World transformed the quasi-medieval ideas of seventeenth-century English jurists about subjectship, community, sovereignty, and allegiance into a wholly new doctrine of "volitional allegiance." The central British idea was that subjectship involved a personal relationship with the king, a relationship based upon the laws of nature and hence perpetual and immutable. The conceptual analogue of the subject-king relationship was the natural bond between parent and child. Across the Atlantic divergent ideas were taking hold. Colonial societies adopted naturalization policies that were suited to practical needs, regardless of doctrinal consistency. Americans continued to value their status as subjects and to affirm their allegiance to the king, but they also moved toward a new understanding of the ties that bind individuals to the community. English judges of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries assumed that the essential purpose of naturalization was to make the alien legally the same as a native, that is, to make his allegiance natural, personal, and perpetual. In the colonies this reasoning was being reversed. Americans took the model of naturalization as their starting point for defining all political allegiance as the result of a legal contract resting on consent. This as yet barely articulated difference between the American and English definition of citizenship was formulated with precision in the course of the American Revolution. Amidst the conflict and confusion of that time Americans sought to define principles of membership that adequately encompassed their ideals of individual liberty and community security. The idea that all obligation rested on individual volition and consent shaped their response to the claims of Parliament and king, legitimized their withdrawal from the British empire, controlled their reaction to the loyalists, and underwrote their creation of independent governments. This new concept of citizenship left many questions unanswered, however. The newly emergent principles clashed with deep-seated prejudices, including the traditional exclusion of Indians and Negroes from membership in the sovereign community. It was only the triumph of the Union in the Civil War that allowed Congress to affirm the quality of native and naturalized citizens, to state unequivocally the primacy of the national over state citizenship, to write black citizenship into the Constitution, and to recognize the volitional character of, the status of citizen by formally adopting the principle of expatriation.

The Doctrine of God

Abstract: Born on December 13, 1854, in Hoogeveen, Drenthe, Holland, Herman Bavinck was the son of the Reverend Jan Bavinck, a leading figure in the secession from the State Church of the Netherlands in 1834. After theological study in Kampen, and at the University of Leiden, he graduated in 1880, and served as the minister of the congregation at Franeker, Friesland, for a year. According to his biographers, large crowds gathered to hear his outstanding exposition of the Scriptures.

Black Africa: The Economic and Cultural Basis for a Federated State

Abstract: In this book, the late Cheikh Anta Diop presents a dynamic and convincing argument for the creation of a unified black African state. This new revised edition is supplemented with a recent interview by renowned political analyst and journalist Carlos Moore and delineates Diop's vision of Africa's emergence as a major world power. Diop explains why attempts at economic development and cooperation cannot succeed apart from the political unification of black Africa, and why the freedom of South African blacks can be achieved only with the support of all African states. He shows how the national and tribal groupings share a common cultural heritage; how linguistic unification is possible; and how the preservation and development of Africa's natural resources could transform the life of its people. For Diop, the ultimate aim of unity is the restoration of the historical consciousness of black and African peoples and the complete recovery of political sovereignty in a post-colonial world. Cheikh Anta Diop is the author of The African Origin of Civilization, Precolonial Black Africa, and the forthcoming Civilization or Barbarism.

Islam and State-Building in a Tribal Society Afghanistan: 1880—1901

Abstract: The foundation of a State in Afghanistan by the Pashtun tribesmen in 1747 posed the question of a religious policy. The issue was not that of proselytism. Most of the Afghans did adhere to one or another form of Islam and the followers of other creeds did not even constitute one percent of the population. But the Islam adhered to by the tribesmen did not have Shari'a (Islamic Law) as its judicial basis and no religious tradition enforced allegiance to monarchs.

The Class Situation of the Arab National Minority in Israel

Abstract: This is a study in political anthropology. The feudal-bourgeois characteristics of the groups which dominated the Arab national movement and the socialist workers'ideology that was central to Zionism in Palestine during most years of the British mandate are discussed briefly. The main part of the study analyzes the circumstances underlying the rise of a new Arab class formation and the meaning of a struggle for minority rights within Israel where the state employs political and other means, and ideological mystifications, in order to deny the implications of this Arab class and national reality.

Zero-Base Budgeting in Georgia State Government: Myth and Reality

Abstract: This article on zero-base budgeting presents an analysis of information obtained in a series of interviews with budgetary personnel in Georgia state government. Georgia was the first state to install zero-base budgeting,' and it is currently one of the states with the most highly developed ZBB process.2 The Georgia system also gained national attention during the 1976 presidential campaign as the leading example of ZBB applications in governmental budgeting.3 For these reasons the Georgia experience is an important source of information about the impact of ZBB on traditional budgeting practices. Much of the early literature dealing with ZBB focused on defining it and describing its formal procedures.4 Subsequent writings have assessed the adaptability of ZBB techniques to public organization,5 speculated about their impact on those organizations,6 and described the problems attendant to installing the system.' Advocates of ZBB have praised it as an innovative management tool,8 while critics have expressed doubt that it represents much that is new.9 Absent from the literature, however, is an empirical analysis of the impact of ZBB on budgetmakers and the budgetary process. This paper provides such an analysis.

New directions in the evaluation and education of handicapped children.

Abstract: The Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, which went into effect last October, ensures the right of handicapped children to free appropriate public education. State and local...

China's Changing Constitution

Abstract: An organization must have rules, and so must a state. A constitution is a set of general rules, it is the fundamental law.… Constitution-making is a matter of science.Mao Tse-tung On 5 March 1978 the People's Republic of China promulgated its second constitution in little more than three years and the third since its establishment in 1949. What functions does a constitution serve in the Chinese political-legal system? Is it a sham not worth the paper on which it is printed? Is it an artifice of propaganda designed to impress and mislead foreigners? Does it have legal as well as political significance? The 1954 Constitution was not revised for two decades – why then was its 1975 successor so quickly overtaken by events? What are the differences among these basic documents?

Realized eschatology at Corinth

Abstract: C. K. Barrett, F. F. Bruce and E. Kasemann very briefly state, almost in passing, that difficulties at Corinth arose from an over-realized eschatology. In C. K. Barrett's words, the Corinthians were behaving ‘as if the age to come were already consummated…For them there is no “not yet” to qualify the “already” of realized eschatology.’ This claim, however, needs to be argued more closely, and objections to it considered, since it remains a matter of controversy. The most recent attack on this diagnosis of the situation at Corinth comes from E. Earle Ellis. He argues, firstly, that the error in I Cor. xv ‘offers doubtful support for an eschatological interpretation of I Cor. 4. 8’, and secondly, that it is unlikely that Paul would criticize the Corinthians ‘merely for appropriating an eschatological perspective that he himself has taught’.