Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1985"
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The state and economic transformation: toward an analysis of the conditions underlying effective intervention Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Peter B. Evans as mentioned in this paper Theda Skocpol Part I. The state and Taiwan's economic development Alice H. Amsden Part II.
Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. Bringing the state back in: strategies of analysis in current research Theda Skocpol Part I. States as Promoters of Economic Development and Social Redistribution: 2. The state and economic transformation: toward an analysis of the conditions underlying effective intervention Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Peter B. Evans 3. The state and Taiwan's economic development Alice H. Amsden 4. State structures and the possibilities for 'Keynesian' responses to the great depression in Sweden, Britain and the United States Margaret Weir and Theda Skocpol Part II. States and Transnational Relations: 5. War making and state making as organized crime Charles Tilly 6. Transnational linkages and the economic role of the state: an analysis of developing and industrialized nations in the post-World War II period Peter B. Evans 7. Small nations in an open international economy: the converging balance of state and society in Switzerland and Austria Peter Katzenstein Part III. States and the Patterning of Social Conflicts: 8. Working-class formation and the state: nineteenth-century England in American perspective Ira Katznelson 9. Hegemony and religious conflict: british imperial control and political cleavages in Yorubaland David D. Laitin 10. State power and the strength of civil society in the southern cone of Latin America Alfred Stepan Conclusion 11. On the road toward a more adequate understanding of the state Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol Index.
2,923 citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce a theoretical framework and an econometric methodology for analyzing the increasingly important effects of the national government on the federal system, which is a synthesis of the dominant political and economic approaches to this issue.
Abstract: This article introduces a theoretical framework and an econometric methodology for analyzing the increasingly important effects of the national government on the federal system. The framework is a synthesis of the dominant political and economic approaches to this issue: it attempts to capture key elements of the complex political and administrative processes that implementation research has identified in contemporary federalism, and to exploit formal models of local fiscal choice used to analyze the impact of federal grants on state and local spending and taxing. The vehicle for the synthesis is a principal-agent model which represents the federal system as a formal hierarchy extending from Congress and the president to subnational bureaucrats. An econometric analysis of two major federal grant programs in each state for the years, 1965-1979, demonstrates that 1) economic models alone cannot explain the effects of federal grants on subnational fiscal behavior; politics must be included, and 2) the political effects can be disaggregated into ideological and constituency-oriented demands made by Congress and the White House on federal grant agencies.
1,725 citations
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, the traditional state: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology, Administrative Power, Internal Pacification, Citizenship, and Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship are discussed.
Abstract: Introduction. 1. State, Society and Modern History. 2. The Traditional State: Domination and Military Power. 3. The Traditional State: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology. 4. The Absolutist State and the Nation--State. 5. Capitalism, Industrialism and Social Transformation. 6. Capitalism and the State: From Absolutism to the Nation--State. 7. Administrative Power, Internal Pacification. 8. Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship. 9. Capitalist Development and the Industrialization of War. 10. Nation--States in the Global State System. 11. Modernity, Totalitarianism and Critical Theory. Notes. Bibliography. Index.
1,351 citations
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01 Jan 1985TL;DR: Chanock as discussed by the authors explores the historical formation during the colonial period of that part of African law known as customary law, and shows how African ideas, aspirations and activities regarding law were shaped by interaction with the legal ideas of the British colonisers, their understandings of African societies, and the judicial institutions of the colonial state.
Abstract: This book explores the historical formation during the colonial period of that part of African law known as customary law. In treating the emergence of the customary law as part of the history of the social and economic transformation of African societies under colonial rule, it also provides an interpretation of the ways in which people tried to control the disrupting effects of the changes which they experienced. Martin Chanock shows how African ideas, aspirations and activities regarding law were shaped by interaction with the legal ideas of the British colonisers, their understandings of African societies, and the judicial institutions of the colonial state. These thematic considerations are illustrated by studies of how the customary law developed alongside criminal law in colonial society in Malawi and Zambia as part of the moral weaponry of a changing social order, and more specifically by describing the role of the customary law of the family in conflicts between men and women in the new colonial political economy.
573 citations
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01 Sep 1985
Abstract: When the Great Depression of the 1930s swept across the Western industrial democracies, it undermined classical liberal orthodoxies of public finance. Economic crisis called into question the predominant conviction that government should balance its budget, maintain the gold standard, and let business reequilibrate of its own accord during economic downturns. Demands were voiced for extraordinary government actions on behalf of industrial workers, farmers, and other distressed groups. Established political coalitions came unraveled, and new opportunities opened for politicians and parties that could devise appealing responses to the exigencies of the decade. One of the greatest dilemmas was how to cope with an unprecedented volume of unemployment in suddenly and severely contracted economies. Out of the traumas of the 1930s came new political and theoretical understandings of the much more active roles that states might henceforth play in maintaining growth and employment in advanced industrial-capitalist democracies. Thus was born the “Keynesian era,” as it would retrospectively come to be called in honor of the breakthrough in economic theory embodied in John Maynard Keynes's 1936 book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money . National reactions to the crisis of the depression varied widely, however. In many cases either conservative stasis or a turn toward authoritarianism prevailed. Among the countries that avoided the breakdown of democratic institutions, Sweden and the United States were the sites of the boldest responses to the crisis by reformist political leaderships.
460 citations
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The state-of-the-art work on political history of political thought can be found in this paper, where Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price, and Tucker's analysis of the French Revolution are discussed.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: the state of the art Part I: 2. Virtues, rights and manners: a model for historians of political thought 3. Authority and property: the question of liberal origins 4. 1776: the revolution against parliament Part II: 5. Modes of political and historical time in early eighteenth-century England 6. The mobility of property and the rise of eighteenth-century sociology 7. Hume and the American Revolution: the dying thoughts of a North Briton 8. Gibbon's Decline and Fall and the world view of the late enlightenment 9. Josiah Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price: a study in the varieties of eighteenth-century conservatism 10. The political economy of Burke's analysis of the French Revolution Part III: 11. The varieties of Whiggism from exclusion to reform: a history of ideology and discourse Index.
441 citations
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: McDougall as mentioned in this paper examines U.S., European, and Soviet space programs and their politics and argues that the Soviet Union made its way into space first because it was the world's first "technocracy" which he defines as "the institutionalization of technological change for state purpose."
Abstract: This highly acclaimed study approaches the space race as a problem in comparative public policy. Drawing on published literature, archival sources in both the United States and Europe, interviews with many of the key participants, and important declassified material, such as the National Security Council's first policy paper on space, McDougall examines U.S., European, and Soviet space programs and their politics. Opening with a short account of Nikolai Kibalchich, a late nineteenth-century Russian rocketry theoretician, McDougall argues that the Soviet Union made its way into space first because it was the world's first "technocracy"-which he defines as "the institutionalization of technological change for state purpose." He also explores the growth of a political economy of technology in both the Soviet Union and the United States.
346 citations
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: Young and Turner as discussed by the authors examine the political history of Mobutu s Zaire, looking at critical structures and patterns of societal flux, inequality, and cleavage, in particular the urban-rural nexus, the problematic of class formation, and the fluid patterns of cultural pluralism.
Abstract: Zaire, apparently strong and stable under President Mobutu in the early 1970s, was bankrupt and discredited by the end of that decade, beset by hyperinflation and mass corruption, the populace forced into abject poverty. Why and how, in a new African state strategically located in Central Africa and rich in mineral resources, did this happen? How did the Zairian state become a parasitic predator upon its own people?In this broadly researched study, Crawford Young and Thomas Edwin Turner examine the political history of Mobutu s Zaire, looking at critical structures and patterns of societal flux, inequality, and cleavage, in particular the urban-rural nexus, the problematic of class formation, and the fluid patterns of cultural pluralism.The authors begin with a succinct history of the origins of the Zairian state (formerly the Belgian Congo), examining in particular the problems, inherited from its colonial heritage, that led to the first few tumultuous years of independence. They then turn to the critical aspects of transformation of civil society, including the relationships between urban and rural factions, class formation, and the rapidly shifting nature of ethnicity as a sociopolitical factor. They offer a comprehensive overview of the major political trends, tracing the regime through its successive phases of power seizure, consolidation, growing personalization, crisis, and decline. Finally, Young and Turner assess the state s actual performance in several policy areas: economy, international relations, and its package of Zairianization and radicalization measures.Young and Turner s thorough research, informed analysis, and straightforward style will do much to illuminate the political workings of a major African state long considered an enigma by most Western observers."
220 citations
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: Grossberg as mentioned in this paper analyzes the formation of legal policies on such issues as common law marriage, adoption, and rights for illegitimate children, showing how legal changes diminished male authority, increased women's and children's rights, and fixed more clearly the state's responsibilities in family affairs.
Abstract: Presenting a new framework for understanding the complex but vital relationship between legal history and the family, Michael Grossberg analyzes the formation of legal policies on such issues as common law marriage, adoption, and rights for illegitimate children. He shows how legal changes diminished male authority, increased women's and children's rights, and fixed more clearly the state's responsibilities in family affairs. Grossberg further illustrates why many basic principles of this distinctive and powerful new body of law--antiabortion and maternal biases in child custody--remained in effect well into the twentieth century.
205 citations
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01 Sep 1985
TL;DR: Buchanan as mentioned in this paper argues that economics as a discipline has little or nothing to contribute to our understanding of normative matter, including justice, fairness, and morality, and that the science of political economy cannot sidestep normative matters or even the question of how alternative systems of constraints can and should be evaluated.
Abstract: Most economists read more than they write. James Buchanan manages to write more than most economists can read. Because his varied writings on social philosophy and political economy are necessarily scattered among publications around the globe, Buchanan’s latest book, Liberty, Market and State, should prove to be a valuable collection to Buchanan watchers. It brings together his writings under therubric of“constitutional political economy,” or what I prefer to call “constitutional economics.” This book is of significance to the readers of this journal for two fundamental reasons. First, it breaks irrevocably with the conventional wisdom among economists, namely, that economics as a discipline, per Se, has little or nothing to contribute to ourunderstanding ofnormative matter, including justice, fairness, and morality. Economists are able to assume the role of the detached observer-analyst largely because the rules of the market and/or political game are assumed to be given, meaning the distribution ofpower, an intrinsically ethical matter, has already been determined. With matters of power given by assumption, economists are largely free to discuss how people trade to improve their lot. “The predictive ‘science of economics,’” Buchanan writes, “is positively valuable to government agents, business firms, andprivate individuals. Persons can ‘play better games’ if they can predict their opponents’ strategy more accurately” (p. 33). However, the realm of the “science of political economy” has, according to Buchanan, a much different purpose: “to evaluate the structure of the constraints, ‘the law,’ with some ultimate objective of redesign or reform aimed at securing enhanced efficiency in the exploitation of the potential mutuality of alternative systems” (p. 33). ,The science of (constitutional) political economy cannot sidestep normative matters or even the question of how alternative systems of constraints can and should be evaluated. Throughout the book, Buchanan espouses general agreement as the critical normative test for adoptions of social systems or reforms in those systems:
191 citations
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TL;DR: This paper examined the effect of political attributes on the provision of basic human needs, including the size or strength of the national government, the achievement of democratic processes, and the ideological orientation of ruling elites along a left-right dimension.
Abstract: This study examines ways that political processes influence the provision of basic human needs once the effects of aggregate national wealth are removed. Three general explanatory approaches are examined. These are based on the size or strength of the national government, the achievement ofdemocratic processes, and the ideological orientation ofruling elites along a left-right dimension. These three approaches are analyzed by regressing an index of physical well-being, the PQLI, on measures drawn from each perspective for a sample of 1 16 contemporary nations. The findings indicate that political attributes do indeed have an impact on the provision of basic needs even when controlling for aggregate social wealth. Democratic processes are related to positive welfare outcomes irrespective of state strength and ideological norms. For regimes with a roughly centrist ideology, state strength appears to make little noticeable difference one way or another; for those on the left, state strength promotes welfare performance; for those on the right, state strength is found to inhibit the provision of basic needs. How do political processes affect the welfare of individuals? This question in countless variants has motivated students of political economy at least since the advent of the modern nation-state. In its simplest form, the empirical question becomes "What kind of state achieves the highest level of welfare for its citizens?" Although it may seem that there are as many answers as possible dimensions of states, most analyses have centered on one (or more) of three general explanatory approaches. The first focuses on the size or strength of the state apparatus as the essential ingredient in translating productive potential into welfare outcomes. Successful welfare performance hinges on the capability of the state, because the state is considered the one social institution concerned with the material needs of the population as a whole. A second model highlights procedural aspects of the political system rather than the budgetary strength of the state by linking successful welfare outcomes to the relatively even distribution of political power brought about by political democracy. The third approach is distinguished from the other two by its emphasis on the ideological orientation (usually on a left-right continuum) of ruling elites. This model posits welfare
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TL;DR: The dominant language of politics in the United States has been political individualism, with minimal restrictions on property and personal, voluntary conduct, but there are second languages of community that stress cooperation and group action.
Abstract: The political focus in the United States has been on individualism with minimal restrictions on property and personal conduct. Government regulation or paternalism has been accepted, however, in the area of public health. Political thought has embraced the concepts of common or group interests which must be protected and which legitimize the police power of the state. Contemporary public health problems such as fluoridation, alcoholism, the wearing of motorcycle helmets, and the discouragement of smoking are discussed in terms of constitutional rights and the collective good. Language: en
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30 Jun 1985
TL;DR: In this paper, a survey of authority and hierarchy in the province of Languedoc is presented, focusing on the relationship between the crown and the province, and the importance of local authorities.
Abstract: List of tables List of figures Preface List of abbreviations Map Part I. Introduction: 1. Absolutism and class 2. Languedoc and its rulers Part II. The Distribution of Authority: 3. Urban setting and local authorities 4. The sovereign courts: a provincial perspective 5. The royal agents: a national linkage 6. The Estates: central bargaining place Part III. The province on its own: 7. Contradictory aspirations and practical problems 8. The inadequacy of authority 9. The prospects for provincial solidarity Part IV. The province and the crown: 10. Channels of personal influence 11. Tax flows and society 12. Collaborating with the king: positive results and fulfiled ambitions 13. Basking in the sun: the triumph of authority and hierarchy Conclusion Appendix Select bibliography Index.
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01 Aug 1985
TL;DR: In this article, Harrison explores the political and economic shifts that have occurred over the past 15 years and examines Latin America's rocky development as a cultural, rather than colonial byproduct.
Abstract: An examination of Latin America's rocky development as a cultural, rather than colonial byproduct. In a new introduction Harrison explores the political and economic shifts that have occurred over the past 15 years.
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01 Sep 1985
TL;DR: In the early 1970s, a new preoccupation with the ways in which the state apparatus might become a central instrument for both the repression of subordinate classes and the reorientation of the process of industrial development was expressed in the work of Guillermo O'Donnell as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Society-centered views of political and economic transformation have never held the unchallenged sway in Latin America that they have in North America. The prevalence of “organic statist” models of society that assume a central and relatively autonomous role for the state has affected both policy makers and social scientists. Beginning in the late 1960s, focus on the state became particularly intense. The erosion of the intellectual credibility of the society-centered “modernization” model of political and economic development coincided with the apparent exhaustion of both industrialization based on import substitution and the associated populist and parliamentary political regimes that were associated with it. The assumptions of modernization theory that liberal democratic regimes would be inexorably produced by the process of industrialization was replaced by a new preoccupation with the ways in which the state apparatus might become a central instrument for both the repression of subordinate classes and the reorientation of the process of industrial development. This new concern is perhaps best exemplified in the seminal work of Guillermo O'Donnell on bureaucratic authoritarian (BA) regimes. A BA regime was associated with (if not necessarily responsible for) an impressive episode of industrialization (in the Brazilian case). Such regimes also proved to be extremely effective at fragmenting, atomizing, and inhibiting potential oppositional collectivities. The initial period of the BA was one in which the civil society lost its capacity to generate new political and economic initiatives while the power of the state grew. Thus, analysis of the actions and initiatives of groups operating within the state apparatus became a central focus of social science research.
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TL;DR: Roots of Rebellion as mentioned in this paper is a comprehensive history of workers' political attitudes and organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow during the final years of the tsarist era, focusing on trade unions, the most important legal labor organizations in pre-revolutionary Russia.
Abstract: "Roots of Rebellion" is the first comprehensive history of workers' political attitudes and organizations in St. Petersburg and Moscow during the final years of the tsarist era. In this richly documented study, Victoria Bonnell examines the workers' persistent efforts to combine collectively and to assert and defend their rights in the workplace and society at large. Focusing on trade unions, the most important legal labor organizations in pre-revolutionary Russia, she analyzes the complex interaction among workers, employers, political parties, and the state, and the circumstances that drove many workers in a revolutionary direction. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources, memoirs, and statistical materials, the author presents an account of the workers' milieu and their organizations on the eve of 1905, the formation of factory committees, soviets, and trade unions during the First Russian Revolution, and the subsequent evolution of the newly-legalized trade unions until the outbreak of World War I. Professor Bonnell's close investigation of the social bases of labor activism and political radicalism brings to light the outstanding role that skilled workers, particularly artisans and skilled factory groups, played int he labor movement. The book offers new perspectives on the sources of solidarity and radicalism among Russian workers and their conceptions of class, craft, and citizenship during the last decades of the old regime. It will be read with interest by historians, social scientists, and others seeking to understand the origins and background of a major revolutionary upheaval of the modern age.
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The south and the north: from corporation to neo-syndicalism - the state, organized labour, and the changing industrial relations systems of Southern Europe, Howard J. Wiarda as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Introduction - focus on Western Europe, Richard F. Tomasson. Part 1 The south and the north: from corporation to neo-syndicalism - the state, organized labour, and the changing industrial relations systems of Southern Europe, Howard J. Wiarda. Part 2 Status and power: working class power and the political economy of western capitalist societies, J. Rogers Hollingsworth and Robert A. Hanneman problems and prospects in comparative status attainment research in Great Britain and the United States, Alan C. Kerckhoff. Part 3 The economies: the European Monetary System and national policy constraints, Hugo M. Kaufmann economic policy and election cycles - constraints in nine OECD countries, John D. Robertson the tax revolt in Britain, Canada and the United States, Kenneth Woodside transaction trends in Western Europe and the Nordic area, Peter R. Manoogian and Bengt Sundelius. Part 4 Welfare and education: the sequential development of social programmes in 18 welfare states, Saundra K. Schneider equality of educational opportunities in Western Europe, Maurice A. Garnier American and English student values, H. Wesley Perkins and James L. Spates. Part 5 Cities: British and French new towns programmes, Luther A. Allen class, politics, mass transit and the city - Frankfurt/Main and Chicago, Glenn Yago. Part 6 Social movements: the modern women's movement in Italy, France and Great Britain - differences in life cycles, Jane Jenson.
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TL;DR: The International Political Science Review had originally planned to include an article in each issue on some aspects of the state of political science generally and also in specific countries as discussed by the authors. But the space constraints and the sloth of the general editor have conspired to leave this intention unfulfilled, although an excellent review by Pierre Favre on the discipline in France did appear in 1981.
Abstract: The International Political Science Review had originally planned to include an article in each issue on some aspects of the state of political science generally and also in specific countries. Severe space constraints and the sloth of the general editor have conspired to leave this intention unfulfilled, although an excellent review by Pierre Favre on the discipline in France did appear in 1981. The idea still strikes me as a good one and we shall try to include discipline reviews from time to time at least.
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01 Oct 1985
TL;DR: It should be obvious that new states owe a great deal to colonial precedent, for even the most shattering revolutions, very rare among new states, cannot wipe out the past as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It should be obvious that new states owe a great deal to colonial precedent, for even the most shattering revolutions, very rare among new states, cannot wipe out the past. Yet, as Harry Benda made us see over twenty years ago in his debate with Herbert Feith, it is easy to take seriously the present's claim to exist in the present only, unique and devoid of debt to a despicable and embarrassing history. Benda himself and more recently Heather Sutherland and Ben Anderson have illuminated the unbroken chain of evolution that runs from
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TL;DR: The influence of the federal structure is expressed in at least two ways as mentioned in this paper : the original design, that the states will be numerous and so different from one another that a strong movement in one will be difficult to spread to others, and the design of the national government whose policies for the first one hundred fifty years were few in number and limited mainly to patronage of individuals and husbandry of commerce.
Abstract: Many theories have been offered to explain the absence of socialism as a significant political force in the United States. Although no theory will satisfactorily explain a "non-happening," this article offers an unusual theory: that federalism is more powerful than any other factor. The influence of the federal structure is expressed in at least two ways. The first follows Madison's original design, that the states will be numerous and so different from one another that a strong movement in one will be difficult to spread to others. The second follows from the design of the national government whose policies for the first one hundred fifty years were few in number and limited mainly to patronage of individuals and husbandry of commerce. Since the national government was small and not directly involved in coercive policies (which were reserved to the state), there was little to validate the socialist critique.
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TL;DR: In this article, the impact of the New Federalism on the size of state budgets and on the sectors on which that budget is spent was analyzed for a sample of forty-four states for the years 1966-1980.
Abstract: President Reagan's proposal for a "New Federalism" raises a fundamental challenge to our current structure of Federal-state-local fiscal relations.This research examInes the lIkely consequences of the New Federalism for fiscal allocations by state governments, and attempts to model the impact on both the size of state budgets and on the sectors on which that budget is spent. A political economy model of state budgeting is specified and estimated for a sample of forty-four states for the years 1966-1980.The analysis focuses on the two most visible sectors of state government expenditure, welfare and education, while accounting for the remaining end uses of state funds, other expenditure and taxes. Two general conclusions emerge from the analysis. First, current fiscal allocations by states are significantly influenced by the structure of Federal aid; without Federal matching rules and spending requirements states would choose to spend less on education and welfare services and more on tax relief and the numerous other state activities. Second, the New Federalism, as it relaxes the spending rules and reduces the level of Federal aid, both reduces state education and welfare spending and decreases the aggregate level of state expenditure. We conclude the New Federalism will succeed in reaching its objectives; the government sector will be more decentralized, with the additional consequence of reduced government budgets.
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The Princeton Legacy Library as mentioned in this paper uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press, which preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions.
Abstract: Guy Alchon examines the mutually supportive efforts of social scientists, business managers, and government officials to create America's first peacetime system of macroeconomic management.Originally published in 1985.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
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TL;DR: The English common law of real property, as S.F.C. Milsom has argued, took shape between 1153 and 1215 as mentioned in this paper and became the institutional core of the English state.
Abstract: The English common law of real property, as S.F.C. Milsom has argued, took shape between 1153 and 1215. The common law gave royal protection to free tenements, replacing feudal relationships as the primary bond structuring society. The law thus constituted the institutional core of the English state. But no Machiavellian monarch constructed the English state. Henry II was, rather, a king who presumed the morality and necessity of feudal relationships. His innovations, though intentional and carefully planned, were directed at narrower and less far-sighted ends. Other changes were the result of bureaucratic action. The complex interplay between present-oriented political or juridical decisions and bureaucratic rigor generated a legal system.
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01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this paper, Behiels provided the most comprehensive account to date of the two competing ideological movements which emerged after World War II to challenge the tenets of traditional French-Canadian nationalism and to reformulate Quebec nationalism in terms of a modern, secular, urban industrial society which would be fully "master in its own house".
Abstract: In this study of the intellectual origins of Quebec's Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, Michael Behiels has provided the most comprehensive account to date of the two competing ideological movements which emerged after World War II to challenge the tenets of traditional French-Canadian nationalism The neo-nationalists were a group of young intellectuals and journalists, centered upon Le Devoir and L'Action nationale in Montreal, who set out to reformulate Quebec nationalism in terms of a modern, secular, urban-industrial society which would be fully "master in its own house" An equally dedicated group of French Canadians of liberal or social democratic persuasion was based upon the periodical Cite libre -one of whose editors was Pierre Trudeau - and had links with organized labour Citelibristes sought to remove what they considered to be the major obstacles to the creation of a modern francophone society: the all-pervasive influence of clericalism inherent in the Catholic church's control of education and the social services, and the persistence among Quebec's intelligentsia of an outmoded nationalism which advocated the preservation of a rural and elitist society and neglected the development of the individual and the pursuit of social equality Behiels delineates the divergent "societal models" proposed by the two movements by focusing upon such themes as the critique of traditional nationalism; the roles of church, state, and labour; the response to the "new federalism"; the reform of education; and the search for a third party He shows how the rivals combined to help bring down an anachronistic Union Nationale government in June 1960 In one form or another, he concludes, Cite libre liberalism and neo-nationalism have remained at the heart of the political and ideological debate that has continued in Quebec since the Duplessis era
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01 Sep 1985
TL;DR: The transnational character of economic activity has become much more pervasive in the contemporary period as discussed by the authors and the increasing role of transnational flows of goods and capital has been a universal feature of postwar economic growth for all countries that participate in the capitalist world system.
Abstract: As J. P. Nettl reminded us in his pioneering essay on the state, regulating relations with the external world is the classic locus of state power. States as institutions have always had to look outward as well as inward, not just because success in political and military competition with other states has been a prime requisite of survival, but also because markets have always been transnational. In the contemporary period the transnational character of economic activity has become much more pervasive. The increasing role of transnational flows of goods and capital has been a universal feature of postwar economic growth for all countries that participate in the capitalist world system. In the poorest countries, development has meant shifting from relatively autarkic subsistence production to the export of primary commodities into international markets. For industrializing Third World countries, the achievement of an increasingly differentiated domestic economy has meant, first, the increasing domination of leading industrial sectors by transnational corporations (TNCs) and, more recently, an ever-heavier reliance on international finance capital. In center countries, such as the United States, leading industrial and financial corporations derive an increasing proportion of their profits from foreign activities, and the productive investment undertaken by these corporations is increasingly foreign rather than domestic. Over the past twenty years, all categories of countries have seen an increase in the share of production and consumption that is devoted to international trade. Trade as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) increased 50 percent for industrial market economies and for the poorest Third World countries.
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TL;DR: For too long, considerations of state formation in India have divided on the colonial threshold of history, and the British regime in the subcontinent has been treated as completely different from all prior states as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: For too long, considerations of state formation in India have divided on the colonial threshold of history, and the British regime in the subcontinent has been treated as completely different from all prior states. The most important reason for this seems to be that the historiography of the British empire was created by those who ruled India; it was therefore a kind of trophy of domination. Other reasons include the vast and accessible corpus of records on the creation of the British colonial state, the recency of its emergence, and the foundational character of the colonial state for the independent states of the subcontinent. Continuity of the British colonial state with its predecessors is acknowledged only in the case of the Mughals owing, in part, to the prolonged process of separation of the Company's government from its Mughal imperial cover before the Mutiny. Thus, long after they had ceased as a governing regime, the Mughals were considered by contemporaries and subsequently by historians to be the old regime of India.
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors review the school effectiveness movement from its inception to its current state, analyze the strengths and weaknesses of the research and implementation literature, and discuss the appropriate role for state and federal government in fostering school effectiveness.
Abstract: The purpose of this article is threefold: to review the school effectiveness movement from its inception to its current state; to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of the research and implementation literature; and, based on this analysis, to discuss the appropriate role for state and federal government in fostering school effectiveness. In the first section of the article, the antecedents of the school effectiveness movement are presented and related research areas that often support the findings of the school effectiveness research are noted. In addition, the evolution of school effectiveness is traced through three related but independent phases-factor specification, conceptual frameworks, and early model development. Finally, one school effectiveness model is discussed in some detail. The second section begins with a review of the strengths and weaknesses of school effectiveness literature to date. Next, four misconceptions embedded in the literature that are currently guiding program and policy development are explored. Specifically, the following central but faulty assumptions are analyzed: (1) that the school is the most appropriate locus of change activity for findings from the school effectiveness research; (2) that the best use of research findings from effective schools is to get other schools to implement them directly; (3) that school effectiveness is primarily a process; and (4) that a bottom-up process of change is the most effective way to ensure that research findings are implemented.
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TL;DR: The United States had to support "free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures" as mentioned in this paper, according to the United States secretary of state during the Greek civil war.
Abstract: On March 12, 1947, President Harry S. Truman appeared before a joint session of Congress and made one of the most momentous addresses of the postwar era. Requesting $400 million in aid for Greece and Turkey, he emphasized that a "fateful hour" had arrived and that nations had to "choose between alternative ways of life." The United States, Truman insisted, had to support "free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures." Greece, of course, was then beleaguered by civil war. Turkey, while enjoying remarkable internal stability, supposedly was subject to pressure from the Soviet Union, a constant war of nerves, and the prospect of outright Soviet aggression. Undersecretary of State Dean G. Acheson warned that if the United States did not act, three continents could fall prey to Soviet domination. 1 The international situation, of course, was far more complex than that described by Truman or Acheson. The president and his closest advisers simplified international realities in order to generate public support for unprecedented peacetime foreign-policy initiatives.2 Many scholars have demonstrated that the Greek civil war did not fall neatly into the category of Soviet aggression-American response. Developments in Turkey, however, have received far less attention.3