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Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1987"


Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: The End of Organized Capitalism as discussed by the authors argues that despite Marx s and Weber s insistence that capitalist societies become increasingly more ordered, we now live in an era of disorganized capitalism, and argues that there is a movement toward a deconcentration of capital within nation-states; toward the increased separation of banks, industry and the state; and toward the redistribution of productive relations and class-relevant residential patterns.
Abstract: "The End of Organized Capitalism" argues that despite Marx s and Weber s insistence that capitalist societies become increasingly more ordered we now live in an era of disorganized capitalism. The book is devoted to a systematic examination of the shift to disorganized capitalism in five Western nations (Britain, the United States, France, West Germany, and Sweden). Through the analysis of space, class, and culture, Lash and Urry portray the restructuring of capitalist social relations that has resulted from this disorganization. They adduce evidence for the claims that in each of the nations there is a movement toward a deconcentration of capital within nation-states; toward the increased separation of banks, industry and the state; and toward the redistribution of productive relations and class-relevant residential patterns. The authors also show that national disparities in contemporary, disorganized capitalism can be understood through close examination of the extent to which, and mode in which, capitalism became historically organized in each of the five countries under consideration. The lucid arguments and judicious comparisons in this book will be of great interest to political scientists, sociologists, geographers, economists, and historians. "

934 citations


Book
07 May 1987
TL;DR: Armstrong argues that the novels and non- fiction written by and for women in eighteenth-and nineteenth-century England paved the way for the rise of the modern English middle class as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In this strikingly original treatment of the rise of the novel, Nancy Armstrong argues that the novels and non- fiction written by and for women in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century England paved the way for the rise of the modern English middle class. Most critical studies of the novel mistakenly locate political power exclusively in the official institutions of state, ignoring the political domain over which women hold authority, which includes courtship practices, family relations, and the use of leisure time. To remedy this, Armstrong provides a dual analysis, tracing both the rise of the novel and the evolution of female authority as part of one phenomenon.

884 citations


Book
15 Nov 1987
TL;DR: The Federal Government in the United States is a government "of the people, by the people and for the people" as mentioned in this paper, and it is composed of three branches of government: the Presidency, the Senate, and the House of Representatives.
Abstract: The Federal Government in the United States is a government "of the people, by the people, and for the people." Presidents are elected by popular vote in the nation (filtered through the electoral college), Senators are elected by popular vote in their states, and Representatives are elected by popular vote in their Congressional districts. Cabinet members and agency heads are appointed by the elected president, as are members of the Supreme Court. But this says nothing about politics. Professor Lauman and Knoke have asked, in this book, how policies were made, in the period 1977-1980, in the areas of energy and health. The question is a very different one from the question of how the positions of president and Congress are filled.

632 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the origins of state educational systems in Europe in the nineteenth century and the institutionalization of mass education throughout the world in the twentieth century and offers a theoretical interpretation of mass state-sponsored schooling that emphasizes the role of education in the nation-building efforts of states competing with one another within the European interstate system.
Abstract: This paper examines the origins of state educational systems in Europe in the nineteenth century and the institutionalization of mass education throughout the world in the twentieth century. We offer a theoretical interpretation of mass state-sponsored schooling that emphasizes the role of education in the nation-building efforts of states competing with one another within the European interstate system. We show that political, economic, and cultural developments in Europe led to a model of the legitimate national society that became highly institutionalized in the European (and later, world) cultural frame. This model made the construction of a mass educational system a major and indispensable component of every modern state's activity. We discuss the usefulness of this perspective for understanding recent cross-national studies of education.

592 citations


Book
01 Apr 1987
TL;DR: Katzenstein this paper examines in detail how West German policy and politics interrelate in six problem areas: economic management, industrial relations, social welfare, migrant workers, administrative reform, and university reform.
Abstract: How can we account for the lack of large-scale policy change in West Germany despite changes in the partisan make-up of the federal government? This formulation of "the German Question" differs from the one commonly posed by students of German politics, a version usually focused on Germany's tragic confrontation with modernity and a possible revival of militarism and authoritarianism. Katzenstein here uncovers the political structures that make incremental policy change such a plausible political check against the growing force of government. This book examines in detail how West German policy and politics interrelate in six problem areas: economic management, industrial relations, social welfare, migrant workers, administrative reform, and university reform. Throughout these six case studies, Katzenstein suggests that West Germany's semi-sovereign state provides the answer to the German Question as it precludes the possibility of central authority. Coalition governments, federalism, para-public institutions, and the state bureaucracy are the domestic forces that have tamed power in the Federal Republic. Author note: Peter J. Katzenstein is Professor of Government at Cornell University, as well as a former editor of International Organization.

530 citations


Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: The authors examines the relationship between the pattern of party formation in Nigeria and a mode of social, political and economic behaviour Richard Joseph terms "prebendalism" and argues that state power is usually viewed by Nigerians as an array of prebends, the appropriation of which provides access to the state treasury and control over remunerative licenses and contracts.
Abstract: Originally published in 1987, this book examines the relationship between the pattern of party formation in Nigeria and a mode of social, political and economic behaviour Richard Joseph terms 'prebendalism'. He demonstrates the centrality in the Nigerian polity of the struggle to control and exploit public office and argues that state power is usually viewed by Nigerians as an array of prebends, the appropriation of which provides access to the state treasury and to control over remunerative licenses and contracts. In addition, the abiding desire for a democratic political system is frustrated by the deepening of ethnic, linguistic and regional identities. By exploring the ways in which individuals at all social levels contribute to the maintenance of these practices, the book provides an analysis of the impediments to constitutional democracy that is also relevant to the study of other nations.

458 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a framework for examining how accounting practices are regulated within advanced capitalist societies and compare modes of accounting regulation in the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States of America.
Abstract: The paper presents a framework for examining how accounting practices are regulated within advanced capitalist societies. Through the critical use of Streeck & Schmitter's (Private Interest Government and Public Policy, Sage, London, 1985) exploration of models of social order, regulation is theorised as an expression of the combination of the organising principles of Market, State and Community. The analytical framework is then applied to compare modes of accounting regulation in the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the United States of America. The paper highlights the significance of contradictions within and between the organizing principles of advanced capitalism and seeks to display the regulation of accounting as a medium and outcome of the articulation of these contradictions.

340 citations


Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: Dunleavy and O'Leary as mentioned in this paper give an account of the intellectual origins and the methodology of pluralism, the New Right, elitism, Marxism, and neo-pluralism, focusing on the models of political mobilization, state organization, and crisis that are posited by each.
Abstract: This book offers the first accessible, systematic study of the five schools of thought that dominate modern political science in the West. The authors give an account of the intellectual origins and the methodology of pluralism, the New Right, elitism, Marxism, and neo-pluralism-concentrating on the models of political mobilization, state organization, and crisis that are posited by each. Dunleavy and O'Leary end with a strikingly original evaluation of rival analyses of the state, providing a new frame of reference for the study of political controversy in liberal democracies.

316 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of tribalism, sectarianism, regionalism, primordial sentiments, and ascriptive identities in Middle Eastern politics contributed to the view that the state is little more than an arena of socially engendered conflict or an instrument of family, sect, or class domination as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The recent revival of interest in "the state" in American political science and sociology has not yet been widely reflected in Middle Eastern studies in the United States.' Compared with European or Latin American studies, Middle Eastern studies have contributed relatively little to the development of analytical approaches in political science and have been slow to incorporate new theoretical perspectives. Description has prevailed over analysis, and efforts to understand and interpret political life have as often emphasized the uniqueness of the region as they have illuminated avenues of comparison with other parts of the world.2 Insofar as Middle Eastern studies have shared the theoretical preoccupations of political science, the region has been the subject of what Skocpol has called the "society-centered" approaches which have dominated study of other regions since the second world war.3 Indeed, the Middle East has seemed to be a particularly appropriate focus for such a perspective. The roles of tribalism, sectarianism, regionalism, primordial sentiments, and ascriptive identities in Middle Eastern politics contributed to the view that the state is little more than an arena of socially engendered conflict or an instrument of family, sect, or class domination.

273 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the effect of public opinion on public policy in the American states and found that citizen preferences are markedly more important than state social and economic characteristics in accounting for patterns of policy liberalism in the states.
Abstract: This paper examines the effect of public opinion on public policy in the American states. We use a new measure of state public opinion, liberal-conservative ideological identification of state electorates, derived from aggregating CBS News/New York Times national opinion surveys. Regression and LISREL are used in the analysis to demonstrate that state opinion is a major determinant of state policy. Citizen preferences are markedly more important than state social and economic characteristics in accounting for patterns of policy liberalism in the states. These results constitute a major challenge to economic development as an explanation of state policy. Unless mass views have some place in the shaping of policy, all the talk about democracy is nonsense. -V. 0. Key (1961, p. 7) Popular control of public policy is a central tenet of democratic theory. Indeed, we often gauge the quality of democratic government by the responsiveness of public policymakers to the preferences of the mass public as well as by formal opportunities for, and the practice of, mass participation in political life. The potential mechanisms of democratic popular control can be stated briefly. In elections, citizens have the opportunity to choose from leaders who offer differing futures for government action. Once elected, political leaders have incentives to be responsive to public preferences. Elected politicians who offer policies that prove unpopular or unpleasant in their consequences can be replaced at the next election by other politicians who offer something different. Of course, this picture describes only the democratic ideal. A cynic would describe the electoral process quite differently: Election campaigns

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: The notion of the patrimonial administrative state as the underlying form of domination in Africa today, above which floats a host of varying and changing "regime types" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Recent discontent with the notions of the state and state formation in the African context and an accompanying preoccupation with the ‘decline of the state’ has much to do with the way that the state and state formation have been conceptualized. There has been much discussion of late of the ‘overdeveloped’, ‘underdeveloped’, or ‘soft’ state, plus ‘uncaptured’ populations and ‘exit options’. These notions were a reaction to the shattered illusions of a post-colonial voluntarist view of the state that was held by many analysts and actors alike. It had various modernization, democratic, neo-colonial, socialist and revolutionary versions. There was an assumption of malleability of both state and society, of linear success and increasing strength that has been increasingly belied by evidence of uneven (and even diminishing) control, resilience of traditional authority patterns, poor economic performance, debt and infrastructure crises, the emergence of magendo or second economies, reductions in administrative performance, curtailment of capacities, political instability and resistance and withdrawal. Underlying these new discussions is often a tone of surprise and bewilderment. Believing that a broader historical, comparative and analytic perspective is useful, this chapter will present and delineate the notion of the patrimonial administrative state as the underlying form of domination in Africa today, above which floats a host of varying and changing ‘regime types’.

Posted Content
TL;DR: Gurr and King as mentioned in this paper argue that the importance of state action for cities has been under-appreciated by both the left and the right, and they argue that policies of the local and national state have a major impact on urban well-being.
Abstract: Many of the oldest and largest Western cities today are undergoing massive economic decline. The State and the City deals with a key issue in the political economy of cities—the role of the state. Ted Robert Gurr and Desmond S. King argue that theoreticians from both the left and the right have underestimated the significance of state action for cities. Grounding theory in empirical evidence, they argue that policies of the local and national state have a major impact on urban well-being. Gurr and King's analysis assumes modern states have their own interests, institutional momentum, and the capacity to act with relative autonomy. Their historically based analysis begins with an account of the evolution of the Western state's interest in the viability of cities since the industrial revolution. Their agument extends to the local level, examining the nature of the local state and its autonomy from national political and economic forces. Using cross-national evidence, Gurr and King examine specific problems of urban policy in the United States and Britain. In the United States, for example, they show how the dramatic increases in federal assistance to cities in the 1930s and the 1960s were made in response to urban crises, which simultaneously threatened national interests and offered opportunities for federal expansion of power. As a result, national and local states now play significant material and regulatory roles that can have as much impact on cities as all private economic activities. A comparative analysis of thirteen American cities reflects the range and impact of the state's activities at the urban level. Boston, they argue, has become the archetypical postindustrial public city: half of its population and personal income are directly dependent on government spending. While Gurr and King are careful to delineate the limits to the extent and effectiveness of state intervention, they conclude that these limits are much broader than formerly thought. Ultimately, their evidence suggests that the continued decline of most of the old industrial cities is the result of public decisions to allow their economic fate to be determined in the private sector.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early seventeenth century, the forces represented by what we have termed gentlemanly capitalism rose to prominence in the late sixteen-eighteenth century as mentioned in this paper and became the powerful landed interest which combined, in the manner of samurai, the prestige of inherited social position with progressive, marketoriented ambitions.
Abstract: T he forces represented by what we have termed gentlemanly capitalism rose to prominence in the late seventeenth century. 1 At their centre stood the powerful landed interest which combined, in the manner of samurai, the prestige of inherited social position with progressive, market-oriented ambitions. Closely associated with the landed elite, and offering it both support and deference, were the "new men" of the emerging service sector, whose innovations in finance, distribution and the professions generated wealth and eventually bestowed social recognition. Important though the manufacturing sector was, it was also less dynamic than is often supposed, and its representatives lacked both prestige and direct access to the "charmed circles" where policy was formulated. In the eighteenth century, England's mission was concerned less with world conquest than with entrenching domestic political order in the aftermath of the Civil War. But political imperatives at home rapidly became linked to economic and military success abroad as the creation of wealth from the burgeoning transactions sector promoted private gain, the fiscal needs of the state, and the defence of the realm. The fusion of these initially disparate elements produced a concept of the national interest which grounded individual liberties in approved property rights and used the apparatus of state to maintain, through the patronage system, the "balance" of the constitution. This "new regime" experienced increasing budgetary and political difficulties, at home and abroad, as the eighteenth century advanced, and after i8I5 reforms were introduced which curtailed "old corruption" at home and used the weapon of free trade to create new opportunities for finance and services abroad. In these ways the gentlemanly elite and its associates sought to adapt to the nineteenth century without relinquishing its inherited social prestige, acquired wealth, or public acceptability. As overseas expansion and imperial acquisition had been used to support these ambitions in the period down to i850, so too they were called into play-on an even larger scale-in the century which followed.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of citizenship in liberal-democratic welfare states involves all three aspects: citizens are conceived of as the ultimate source of the collective political will, in the formation of which they are called upon to participate in a variety of institutional ways through the institutional devices of territorial and functional representation; they are also the subjects against whom this will can be enforced and whose civil rights and liberties impose, by constituting an autonomous sphere of social, cultural, and economic action, limits upon the state's authority; and finally they are (3) clients who depend upon state-provided protection, services,
Abstract: Within any modern state, citizens are structurally related to state authority in three basic ways. Citizens are collectively the sovereign creators of state authority, they are potentially threatened by state-organized repression and coercion, and they are dependent upon the services and provisions organized by the state. The notion of citizenship within liberal-democratic welfare states involves all three aspects: citizens are conceived of as (1) the ultimate source of the collective political will, in the formation of which they are called upon to participate in a variety of institutional ways through the institutional devices of territorial and functional representation; they are also (2) the “subjects” against whom this will can be enforced and whose civil rights and liberties impose, by constituting an autonomous sphere of “private” social, cultural, and economic action, limits upon the state’s authority; and finally they are (3) clients who depend upon state-provided protection, services, opportunities, and collective goods for securing their material, social, and cultural means of survival and well-being in society.


Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: One of the leading historians of education in the United States here develops a powerful interpretation of the uses of history in educational reform and of the relations among democracy, education, and the capitalist state.
Abstract: One of the leading historians of education in the United States here develops a powerful interpretation of the uses of history in educational reform and of the relations among democracy, education, and the capitalist state. Michael Katz discusses the reshaping of American education from three perspectives. First is the perspective of history: How did American education take shape? The second is that of reform: What can a historian say about recent criticisms and proposals for improvement? The third is that of historiography: What drives the politics of educational history? Katz shows how the reconstruction of America's educational past can be used as a framework for thinking about current reform. Contemporary concepts such as public education, institutional structures such as the multiversity, and modern organizational forms such as bureaucracy all originated as solutions to problems of public policy. The petrifaction of these historical products-which are neither inevitable nor immutable-has become, Katz maintains, one of the mighty obstacles to change. The book's central questions are as much ethical and political as they are practical. How do we assess the relative importance of efficiency and responsiveness in educational institutions? Whom do we really want institutions to serve? Are we prepared to alter institutions and policies that contradict fundamental political principles? Why have some reform strategies consistently failed? On what models should institutions be based? Should schools and universities be further assimilated to the marketplace and the state? Katz's iconoclastic treatment of these issues, vividly and clearly written, will be of interest to both specialists and general readers. Like his earlier classic, The Irony of Early School Reform (1968), this book will set a fresh agenda for debate in the field.

Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: In this paper, the Puzzling Failure of Jeremy Bentham Antimetaphysics Influence Quicksands of Expediency The Frame of Political Argument NATURAL RIGHTS Declarations A State of Nature Delimiting Rights Certain Political Rituals Revival THE PEOPLE Mechanics and Majorities Popular Sovereignty Revolutionary Assemblies The Identity of the People GOVERNMENT The Rhetoric of Counterrevolution A Christian Party In Politics Property Reconsidered Human Rights and Sacred Obligations The People Deposed THE State Professional Political Science Constitutional Law The Grammar of a Profession Webs of Contrad
Abstract: PROLOGUE Words and Acts Tools and Paradigms Keywords UTILITY The Puzzling Failure of Jeremy Bentham Antimetaphysics Influence Quicksands of Expediency The Frame of Political Argument NATURAL RIGHTS Declarations A State of Nature Delimiting Rights Certain Political Rituals Revival THE PEOPLE Mechanics and Majorities Popular Sovereignty Revolutionary Assemblies The Identity of the People GOVERNMENT The Rhetoric of Counterrevolution A Christian Party In Politics Property Reconsidered Human Rights and Sacred Obligations The People Deposed THE STATE Professional Political Science Constitutional Law The Grammar of a Profession Webs of Contradiction The Uses of an Abstraction INTERESTS Highbrow and Lowbrow The Common Good Utilitarianism Redivivus Empirical Political Science The Disappearing Public The Rhetoric of Realism EPILOGUE The Conflations of Freedom Rights without Retrospection Public Talk Notes Guide To Further Reading Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The U.S. Constitution, by taking away the power of the states to issue paper money, removed a major source of flexibility in state public finance, and the states discovered that the banks they chartered could fill the gap as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The U.S. Constitution, by taking away the power of the states to issue paper money, removed a major source of flexibility in state public finance. In their search for new sources of revenue and fiscal flexibility, the states discovered that the banks they chartered could fill the gap. Investment earnings and tax revenues derived from banks soon became major elements of state public finance. We discuss the nature of these early business-government relationships and provide the first systematic assessment of their relative importance in state finance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics, and that state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion.
Abstract: Do the states of the United States matter (or are they of no political consequence)? Using a data set with over 50 thousand respondents, we demonstrate the influence of state political culture on partisanship and ideology. For individuals, we find that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics. At the aggregate level, state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion. In general, geographic location may be a more important source of opinion than previously thought. One indication of the importance of state culture is that state effects on partisanship and ideology account for about half of the variance in state voting in recent presidential elections.

Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the practical difficulties arising from the doctrinal incompatibility between Islam and the non-Muslim concept of the territorial nation-state, and illustrate this conflict with a consideration of the record of several states in the Islamic world.
Abstract: Examining the theoretical problems which arose when the modern European ideology of nationalism was adopted by Muslim societies organized into formally modern states, this book also deals with the practical difficulties arising from the doctrinal incompatibility between Islam and the non-Muslim concept of the territorial nation-state. It illustrates this conflict with a consideration of the record of several states in the Islamic world. It suggests that whereas the state, an organization of power, has been a most durable institution in Islamic history, the legitimacy of the nation-state has always been challenged in favour of the wide Islamic Nation, the "umma", which comprises all the faithful without reference to territorial boundaries. To this extent too, the more recent conception of Arab nationalism projects a far larger nation-state than the existing territorial states in the Arab world today.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Feb 1987
TL;DR: In 1537 the Spanish Dominican Francisco de Vitoria, Prime Professor of Theology at the University of Salamanca, delivered a lecture entitled De indis whose purpose was, he declared, to discover "by what right the barbarians" -by which he meant the American Indians -had come under the rule of the Spaniards.
Abstract: In 1537 the Spanish Dominican Francisco de Vitoria, Prime Professor of Theology at the University of Salamanca, delivered a lecture entitled De indis whose purpose was, he declared, to discover ‘by what right the barbarians’ – by which he meant the American Indians – ‘had come under the rule of the Spaniards’. For although, he professed, the conscience of the Spanish kings and their advisors was of itself sufficient guarantee that everything ‘had been well-done’, all men are compelled to consult the wisest and best-informed persons they can find before reaching a decision on any issue where matters of conscience are involved. Vitoria's relectio belongs to a tradition of ritual legitimation which the Castilian crown had, since the later Middle Ages, regularly enacted when confronted by uncertain moral issues. The conclusions which the crown's advisors reached on these occasions were frequently ignored since, as Vitoria himself observed, kings were, of necessity, pragmatic beings compelled to ‘think from hand to mouth’. But the declarations issued by the theologians and jurists on crown policy formed an important part of the ideological armature of what, after the defeat of the comunero revolt in 1521, has some claims to being the first early-modern nation state. With the accession of Philip II, that state had, effectively, secured the consensus of its own political nation.

Book
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: The nature of the state is discussed in this article, where the concepts of the State Sovereignty Authority, Obligation, and Legitimacy are discussed in the context of the modern European State.
Abstract: The Nature of The State 1. Introduction Is politics about the State? States, the State and the idea of the State Stateless societies and the State tradition Antecedents to the State Etymology of the State 2. Formal Features of the Modern European State The State and other Collectivities Society and the State Community and the State Nation and State Government, Administration and the State 3. Cognate concepts of the State Sovereignty Authority, Obligation and Legitimacy 4. Theory and the State Essential Contestability and the State Human Nature and the State

Book
10 Dec 1987
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the proposals that were made to strengthen the union of England and Scotland between the Union of the Crowns in 1603 to 1707 and discuss the controversies that these proposals engendered and the efforts made to implement them.
Abstract: This book examines the proposals that were made to strengthen the union of England and Scotland between the Union of the Crowns in 1603 and the Union of the Parliaments in 1707. Drawing on a large body of pamphlet literature, state papers, and parliamentary records, the author explores numerous 17th- and early 18th-century schemes to unite not only the political institutions of the two countries but also their laws, churches, economies, and people. He discusses the controversies that these proposals engendered and the efforts that were made to implement them. Dealing successively with the political, legal, religious, economic, and social aspects of the union, this study explains why the British state acquired many of the features it still possesses today, and why it differed significantly from both the English and the Scottish states out of which it was formed.

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined two alternative hypotheses for the distribution of federal aid over the past thirty years and concluded that aid is allocated to correct market or political failures in the local public economy or to equalize the provision of meritorious local public goods.
Abstract: The federalist fiscal structure of the United States has been evolving steadily towards the centralization of the financing of government services and transfers. Revenues are raised centrally and then transferred, via grants-in-aid, to state and local governments. This paper seeks to explain this movement towards centralized financing. Two alternative hypotheses are examined. The first--that aid is allocated to correct market or political failures in the local public economy or to equalize the provision of meritorious local public goods--generally fails to account for the distribution of federal aid over the past thirty years. The second hypothesis--that aid is allocated to ease the fiscal pressure in the state- local sector when, and only when, it is in the political interests of Congressional representatives to do so--is supported by the recent data. Our current system of federal grants to state and local governments is a logical outcome of a Congressional budget process that rewards the centralized financing and the localized provision of public good and services.

BookDOI
TL;DR: Ergas as mentioned in this paper discusses state centrism as an ideology in Africa and the state as a "Lame Leviathan" in the context of political transition in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Abstract: Notes on the Contributors - Introduction Z.Ergas - PART 1 THE THEORY - Reflections on State Centrism as Ideology in Africa H.Glickman - Class, Political Domination and the African State N.Kasfir - The Managerial State in Africa: A Conflict Coalition Perspective O.Marenin - The State as Lame Leviathan: The Patrimonial Adminstrative State in Africa T.Callaghy - Hegemony and State Softness in Africa: Some Variations in Elite Responses D.Rothchild - The Dynamics of Factionalism in Contemporary Africa R.Lemarchand - PART 2 THE PRACTICE - The Crisis of the Socialist State in Africa M.Ottaway - The Military and the State in Africa: Problems of Political Transition C.Welch - The Foreign Exchange Imperative, Policy Reform and the African State C.Lancaster - The Politics of Agricultural Pricing in Sub-Saharan Africa R.Bates - Basic Human Needs and the African State R.Curry Jr - Directions for Further Research: Diarchy, Conditionality, Aid and Development in Africa - Index

Book
01 May 1987
TL;DR: The Princeton Legacy Library as mentioned in this paper uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press, which preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions.
Abstract: Thomas Biersteker evaluates the sources of Third World economic nationalism and assesses the significance of the changes that have taken place between North and South since the early 1970s. Neo-classical and neo-Marxist approaches to international and comparative political economy are explored to develop methods and select criteria for the assessment of major change.Originally published in 1987.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Book
01 Jul 1987
TL;DR: In this article, the resilience and fragility of the economy and social relations of production in the Middle Niger valley over the course of two centuries is discussed. But the authors focus on the role of the state in the economy.
Abstract: On the resilience and fragility of the economy and social relations of production in the Middle Niger valley over the course of two centuries. During this period, it was dominated by three successive States: the indigenous Segu Bambara State, the Islamic Umarian State, and the French colonial State. In each of them, warriors were the rulers, and warfare was the primary expression of State power. The survival of each State depended on its ability to reproduce its capacity to make war. In order to do so, the warrior State intervened in the economy. In each of these States, the interrelationship of warfare, the State and the economy produced different results. How the State actually intervened in the economy and how this intervention influenced the structure and performance of the economy is central to the argument of this study.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The historical career of ethnic peoples can be best understood in the context of forces that both give a people birth and simultaneously seek to take their lives as mentioned in this paper, which is the case of state power.
Abstract: If the expansion and consolidation of state power simply undermined, homogenized, and ultimately destroyed the distinctive societies and ethnic groups in its grasp, as various acculturation or melting-pot theories would have it, the world would long ago have run out of its supply of diverse ways of life, a supply presumably created in the dawn of human time. To the contrary, state power must not only destroy but also generate cultural differentiation—and do so not only between different nation states, and between states and their political and economic colonies, but in the center of its grasp as well. The historical career of ethnic peoples can thus best be understood in the context of forces that both give a people birth and simultaneously seek to take their lives.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The problem of game playing by states under primacy could undermine the ultimate goals of national environmental policies as mentioned in this paper, which is analogous to a game in which one of the players, the federal government, determines the rules for the other players, states.
Abstract: Federal environmental laws have substantially preempted state powers over pollution control. Many of these laws contain a unique implementation scheme called "primacy, " which offers a state the opportunity to become the primary enforcement agent for federal policies. Primacy relieves the federal government from enforcing laws within state boundaries even while it retains ultimate control over the policies involved and sets minimum standards. By and large, states have chosen to accept primacy. Characteristics of the units involved in the implementation process explain much of this success. Deviations from the expected patterns reveal how states can manipulate primacy to their own advantage. It is possible, however, that game playing by the states under primacy could undermine the ultimate goals of national environmental policies. A new federal relationship exists in many policy fields today, a relationship that can be described as centrally directed sharing. It is analogous to a game in which one of the players, the federal government, determines the rules for the other players, the states. One indication of this relationship is the number of mandates that have been imposed on the states by the federal government. Mandates are constraints or regulations placed on one unit of government by another. There are at least ninety-five major federal laws, executive orders, and court decisions that restrict state activity.' Mandates preempt state powers, predetermine state legislative and administrative responsibilities, and require that state compliance efforts be supervised by officials of the federal government. Although the Reagan administration's professed goal has been to return responsibility to the states, the number of direct order mandates has not been substantially reduced during Reagan's tenure.2 However, many of these mandates were imposed by the Congress or the Supreme Court and thus cannot be removed by executive fiat. Other mandates are based on constitutional