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Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1995"


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, state agencies, local entrepreneurs, and transnational corporations shaped the emergence of computer industries in Brazil, India, and Korea during the seventies and eighties, and the success and failures of state involvement in the process of industrialization have been analyzed.
Abstract: From the Publisher: In recent years, debate on the state's economic role has too often devolved into diatribes against intervention. Peter Evans questions such simplistic views, offering a new vision of why state involvement works in some cases and produces disasters in others. To illustrate, he looks at how state agencies, local entrepreneurs, and transnational corporations shaped the emergence of computer industries in Brazil, India, and Korea during the seventies and eighties. Evans starts with the idea that states vary in the way they are organized and tied to society. In some nations, like Zaire, the state is predatory, ruthlessly extracting and providing nothing of value in return. In others, like Korea, it is developmental, promoting industrial transformation. In still others, like Brazil and India, it is in-between, sometimes helping, sometimes hindering. Evans's years of comparative research on the successes and failures of state involvement in the process of industrialization have here been crafted into a persuasive and entertaining work, which demonstrates that successful state action requires an understanding of its own limits, a realistic relationship to the global economy, and the combination of coherent internal organization and close links to society that Evans calls "embedded autonomy."

3,803 citations


MonographDOI
TL;DR: Brown argues that efforts to outlaw hate speech and pornography powerfully legitimize the state: such apparently well-intentioned attempts harm victims further by portraying them as so helpless as to be in continuing need of governmental protection as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Whether in characterizing Catherine MacKinnon's theory of gender as itself pornographic or in identifying liberalism as unable to make good on its promises, this text pursues a central question: how does a sense of woundedness become the basis for a sense of identity? Brown argues that efforts to outlaw hate speech and pornography powerfully legitimize the state: such apparently well-intentioned attempts harm victims further by portraying them as so helpless as to be in continuing need of governmental protection. "Whether one is dealing with the state, the Mafia, parents, pimps, police, or husbands," writes Brown, "the heavy price of institutionalized protection is always a measure of dependence and agreement to abide by the protector's rules." True democracy, she insists, requires sharing power, not regulation by it; freedom, not protection. Refusing any facile identification with one political position or another, Brown applies her argument to a panoply of topics, from the basis of litigiousness in political life to the appearance on the academic Left of themes of revenge and a thwarted will to power. These and other provocations in contemporary political thought and political li

2,187 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the formation and displacement of the modern state and the emergence of a modern state are discussed. And the development of the nation-state and the entrenchment of democracy is discussed.
Abstract: Part I: Introduction 1 Stories of Democracy: Old and New Part II: Analysis: The Formation and Displacement of the Modern State 2 The Emergence of Sovereignty and the Modern State 3 The Development of the Nation--State and the Entrenchment of Democracy 4 The Inter--State System 5 Democracy, the Nation--State and the Global Order I 6 Democracy, the Nation--State and the Global Order II Part III: Reconstruction: Foundations of Democracy 7 Rethinking Democracy 8 Sites of Power, Problems of Democracy 9 Democracy and the Democratic Good Part IV: Elaboration and Advocacy: Cosmopolitan Democracy 10 Political Community and the Cosmopolitan Order 11 Markets, Private Property and Cosmopolitan Democratic Law 12 Cosmopolitan Democracy and the New International Order References and Select Bibliography Index

1,960 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article studied how limited government arose in the developed West, focusing on the critical role of federalism for protecting markets in both England and the United States, and showed that federalism underpins the spectacular economic growth in China over the past 15 years.
Abstract: Thriving markets require not only an appropriately designed economic system, but a secure political foundation that limits the ability of the state to confiscate wealth. This requires a form of limited government, that is, political institutions that credibly commit the state to honor economic and political rights. This article studies how limited government arose in the developed West, focusing on the critical role of federalism for protecting markets in both England and the United States. Federalism proved fundamental to the impressive economic rise of England in the 18th century and the United States in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The article also shows that federalism underpins the spectacular economic growth in China over the past 15 years. Copyright 1995 by Oxford University Press.

1,895 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Akhil Gupta1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors attempt to do an ethnography of the Indian state by examining the discourses of corruption in contemporary India, focusing on the practices of lower levels of the bureaucracy in a small north Indian town as well as on representations of the state in the mass media.
Abstract: In this article I attempt to do an ethnography of the state by examining the discourses of corruption in contemporary India. I focus on the practices of lower levels of the bureaucracy in a small north Indian town as well as on representations of the state in the mass media. Research on translocal institutions such as “the state” enables us to reflect on the limitations of participant-observation as a technique of fieldwork. The analysis leads me to question Eurocentric distinctions between state and civil society and offers a critique of the conceptualization of “the state” as a monolithic and unitary entity. [the state, public culture, fieldwork, discourse, corruption, India]

1,694 citations


Book
01 May 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, state agencies, local entrepreneurs, and transnational corporations shaped the emergence of computer industries in Brazil, India, and Korea during the seventies and eighties, and the success and failures of state involvement in the process of industrialization have been analyzed.
Abstract: From the Publisher: In recent years, debate on the state's economic role has too often devolved into diatribes against intervention. Peter Evans questions such simplistic views, offering a new vision of why state involvement works in some cases and produces disasters in others. To illustrate, he looks at how state agencies, local entrepreneurs, and transnational corporations shaped the emergence of computer industries in Brazil, India, and Korea during the seventies and eighties. Evans starts with the idea that states vary in the way they are organized and tied to society. In some nations, like Zaire, the state is predatory, ruthlessly extracting and providing nothing of value in return. In others, like Korea, it is developmental, promoting industrial transformation. In still others, like Brazil and India, it is in-between, sometimes helping, sometimes hindering. Evans's years of comparative research on the successes and failures of state involvement in the process of industrialization have here been crafted into a persuasive and entertaining work, which demonstrates that successful state action requires an understanding of its own limits, a realistic relationship to the global economy, and the combination of coherent internal organization and close links to society that Evans calls "embedded autonomy."

1,154 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the use of what they call internal territorialization in establishing control over natural resources and the people who use them and examine the emergence of territoriality in state power in Thailand.
Abstract: Weber and many other theorists have defined the state as a political organization that claims and upholds a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force in a given territory.1 Writers who draw on this Weberian approach have devoted considerable theoretical attention to political organization, legitimacy, and physical coercion in the making of modern states. Until recently, however, the meaning of territory as a key practical aspect of state control has been relatively neglected by many theorists of the sources of state power. Territorial sovereignty defines people's political identities as citizens and forms the basis on which states claim authority over people and the resources within those boundaries.2 More important for our purposes here, modern states have increasingly turned to territorial strategies to control what people can do inside national boundaries. In this article, we aim to outline the emergence of territoriality in state power in Thailand, formerly called Siam. In particular, we examine the use of what we call internal territorialization in establishing control over natural resources and the people who use them.

707 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The spectrum of states' roles in development is defined at one end by the laissez faire minimalist state whose role is limited to ensuring a stable and secure environment so that contracts, property rights and other institutions of the market can be honoured as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: All states have a role in development, but this varies widely. The spectrum is defined at one end by the laissez faire minimalist state whose role is limited to ensuring a stable and secure environment so that contracts, property rights and other institutions of the market can be honoured. At the opposite end are the centrally planned Leninist states that directly replace the market with bureaucratic allocation and planning. Between these two extremes are the capitalist developmental states of Japan and the East Asian Newly Industrializing Countries (NICs) that are neither Communist nor laissez faire, but exhibit characteristics of both. The state plays an activist, rather than a minimalist, role; there is planning, but it is geared toward creating maximum competitive and comparative advantage for manufacturers within a market economy.

669 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors develop a model of political reliability and derive seven related hypotheses from it that anticipate variation in the time a national political leader will survive in office after the onset of a war.
Abstract: We seek to answer the question, What effect does international war participation have on the ability of political leaders to survive in office? We develop a model of political reliability and derive seven related hypotheses from it that anticipate variation in the time a national political leader will survive in office after the onset of a war. Drawing upon a broadly based data set on state involvement in international war between 1816 and 1975, our expectations are tested through censored Weibull regression. Four of the hypotheses are tested, and all are supported by the analysis. We find that those leaders who engage their nation in war subject themselves to a domestic political hazard that threatens the very essence of the office-holding homo politicus, the retention of political power. The hazard is mitigated by longstanding experience for authoritarian elites, an effect that is muted for democratic leaders, while the hazard is militated by defeat and high costs from war for all types of leaders. Additionally, we find that authoritarian leaders are inclined to war longer after they come to power than democratic leaders. Further, democratic leaders select wars with a lower risk of defeat than do their authoritarian counterparts.

624 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, the shadow state and the shadow market in Africa are discussed. But the authors focus on the early years of the early 1970s, when the early Stevens' years, 1968-1973, were considered.
Abstract: 1. Informal markets and the shadow state: some theoretical issues 2. Colonial rule and the foundations of the shadow state 3. Elite hegemony and the threat of political and economic reform 4. Reining in the informal market: the early Stevens' years, 1968-1973 5. An exchange of services: state power and the diamond business 6. The shadow state and international commerce 7. Foreign firms, economic 'reform' and shadow state power 8. The changing character of African sovereignty.

513 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a set of interpretive approaches for writing the state, examining the sovereignty/intervention boundary, and symbolic exchange and the state in the context of the Mexican and Bolshevik revolutions.
Abstract: 1. Writing the state 2. Examining the sovereignty/intervention boundary 3. Interpretive approaches 4. Concert of Europe interventions in Spain and Naples 5. Wilson administration actions in the Mexican and Bolshevik revolutions 6. United States invasions of Grenada and Panama 7. Symbolic exchange and the state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: From 1900 to 1987, state, quasi-state, and stateless groups have killed in democide (genocide, massacres, extrajudicial executions, and the like) nearly 170,000,000 people.
Abstract: From 1900 to 1987, state, quasi-state, and stateless groups have killed in democide (genocide, massacres, extrajudicial executions, and the like) nearly 170,000,000 people. Case studies and quantit...

Book
Ayesha Jalal1
26 May 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, Ayesha Jalal explains how a shared colonial legacy led to apparently contrasting patterns of political development - democracy in India and authoritarianism in Pakistan and Bangladesh, arguing for a more decentralized governmental structure.
Abstract: In a comparative and historical study of the interplay between democratic politics and authoritarian states in South Asia, Ayesha Jalal explains how a shared colonial legacy led to apparently contrasting patterns of political development - democracy in India and authoritarianism in Pakistan and Bangladesh. The analysis shows how, despite differences in form, central political authority in each state came to confront similar threats from regional and linguistic dissidence, religious and sectarian strife, as well as class and caste conflicts. By comparing state structures and political processes, the author evaluates and redefines democracy, citizenship, sovereignty and the nation-state, arguing for a more decentralized governmental structure. This original and provocative study will challenge students and scholars in the field to rethink traditional concepts of democracy and authoritarianism in South Asia.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the old regime - State, Society, and Politics: Social Structure under the old Regime State, Tribe, and the International System: From Gunpowder Empires to the Cold War Rentier State and Rentier Revolutionaries.
Abstract: Part I The old Regime - State, Society, and Politics: Social Structure under the Old Regime State, Tribe, and the International System: From Gunpowder Empires to the Cold War Rentier State and Rentier Revolutionaries. Part 11: The PDPA in Power: From the Second Cold War to the Collapse of the USSR: Failure of Revolution from Above Under Soviet Occupation: Party, State, and Society, 1980-85 Soviet Withdrawal, Political Retreat: State and Society, 1986-91. Part III: The Islamic Resistance: Mujahidin, Society, and the International System: Origins of the Movement of Jihad International Aid, War, and National Organization International Aid, War, and Local and Regional Organization Mujahidin after Soviet Withdrawal State Collapse after the Cold War: Afghanistan without Foreign Aid Appendix A: Notes on Sources Appendix B: Political Actors in Afghanistan, 1973-1994 Appendix C: Financing Government Expenditure, 1952-88 Notes Glossary Bibliography Index.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of recent events in Russia and demonstrates that future progress in developing private property rights will require not only sound economic policies but also more robust state institutions capable of carrying out economic transformation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: This article reviews recent events in Russia and demonstrates that future progress in developing private property rights will require not only sound economic policies but also more robust state institutions capable of carrying out economic transformation. In January 1992 Russia's first postcommunist government launched a comprehensive economic program to transform the Soviet command system into a market economy. Privatization constituted one of the key components of this program. Two years later, however, privatization in Russia had failed to create real private property rights. By the summer of 1993 insiders had acquired majority shares in two-thirds of Russia's privatized and privatizing firms, state subsidies accounted for 22 percent of Russia's GNP, little if any restructuring had taken place within enterprises, and few market institutions had been created. Progress toward creating private property rights in Russia was impeded by the particular constellation of political institutions in place after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The set of political institutions comprising the first postcommunist Russian state was not capable of either dismantling Soviet institutions governing property rights or creating or supporting new market-based economic institutions regarding private property.

Book
01 Mar 1995
TL;DR: In this article, Fields proposed an innovative institutional approach that focuses on the complex linkages between social networks and political power in Korea and Taiwan, and rejected both cultural reduction and rational choice explanations for differences between the two countries.
Abstract: Abstract While huge family-owned conglomerates, the chaebol, have dominated Korean business, smaller guanxiqiye, interlocking family-based firms, have proved equally formidable in Taiwan. In his account of business-state relations, forms of financing, and the organization of trading companies in the two cases, Fields rejects both culturalreductionist and rational choice explanations for differences between the two countries. He offers instead an innovative institutional approach that focuses on the complex linkages between social networks and political power.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the theory of population ecology is used to predict the number of interest groups in the United States, and interest group density conforms to the predictions based on population ecology (constituents, government goods and services, and political stability), but not those based on economic theories of group mobilization.
Abstract: Theory: The theory of population ecology (in contrast to economic theories of groups) is used to predict the number of interest groups in the United States. Hypotheses: Interest-group density is a function of potential constituents, potential government goods and services, the stability of the political system, government age, and government size. Methods: Regression analysis of U.S. state data for interest groups in construction, agriculture, manufacturing, welfare, the environment, and local governments. Results: Interest group density conforms to the predictions based on population ecology (constituents, government goods and services, and political stability), but not those based on economic theories of group mobilization.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a pooled time series analysis for the 50 U.S. states from 1978 to 1990 shows that lower-class voting is associated with more generous state welfare policies, and that the importance of lower class mobilization for redistributive policy is enhanced by the liberalism and competitiveness of state Democratic parties.
Abstract: Theory: Political participation by lower class voters should create pressures for government to respond with supportive policies. Hypotheses: Lower class voting is associated with more generous state welfare policies. Political forces and institutions structure this relationship. Methods: A pooled time series analysis for the 50 U.S. states from 1978 to 1990. Results: We demonstrate an enduring relationship between the degree of mobilization of lower-class voters and the generosity of welfare benefits provided by state governments. This relationship can be vitiated by remarkable political and economic events such as the "new federalism" and the economic recession in the early 1980s. Finally, the importance of lower-class mobilization for redistributive policy is enhanced by the liberalism and competitiveness of state Democratic parties.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that it is difficult to understand African states as examples of the same political system, as some recent studies have asserted (or assumed) and argued that by comparing the historical patterns of political development in African states, one can identify a limited number of distinct historical paths, starting with the process of decolonisation (where there are two variants) and divergent paths arose from differing responses to early post-independence political crises, producing contrasting forms of politics.
Abstract: Generalisation about African politics and political systems is made difficult by the extent to which African states both differ from one another and have changed since independence. This article discusses whether it is nevertheless possible to understand African states as examples of the same political system, as some recent studies have asserted (or assumed). It argues that by comparing the historical patterns of political development in African states, one can identify a limited number of distinct historical paths, starting with the process of decolonisation (where there are two variants). Subsequently divergent paths arose from differing responses to early post‐independence political crises, producing contrasting forms of politics ‐ ‘centralised‐bureaucratic politics’ and ‘spoils politics’ ‐ and corresponding political systems. Further differentiation has arisen systematically from popular responses to the breakdown of these forms, giving rise to populist revolts, state collapse or to democratic challe...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines both civil wars and international conflicts, exploring warfare's effect on states, and explores the effect of war on states' economic and social systems. But they do not discuss the role of war in economic development.
Abstract: Examines both civil wars and international conflicts, exploring warfare's effect on states.

Book
27 Dec 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the role of political Islam in Indonesian politics and analyze the way in which political questions are framed with reference to the national ideology, the Pancasila.
Abstract: Politics in Indonesia describes the attitudes, aspirations and frustrations of the key players in Indonesian politics as they struggle to shape the future. The book focuses on the role of political Islam; Douglas E. Ramage shows that the state has been remarkably successful in maintaining secular political institutions in a predominantly Muslim society. He analyses the way in which political questions are framed with reference to the national ideology, the Pancasila.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this view, a Hobson's choice between anarchy and hierarchy is not necessary because an intermediary structure, here dubbed "negarchy" is also available as mentioned in this paper, which is a theory of security that is superior to realism because it addresses not only threats of war from other states but also the threat of despotism at home.
Abstract: A rediscovery of the long-forgotten republican version of liberal political theory has arresting implications for the theory and practice of international relations. Republican liberalism has a theory of security that is superior to realism, because it addresses not only threats of war from other states but also the threat of despotism at home. In this view, a Hobson's choice between anarchy and hierarchy is not necessary because an intermediary structure, here dubbed “negarchy,” is also available. The American Union from 1787 until 1861 is a historical example. This Philadelphian system was not a real state since, for example, the union did not enjoy a monopoly of legitimate violence. Yet neither was it a state system, since the American states lacked sufficient autonomy. While it shared some features with the Westphalian system such as balance of power, it differed fundamentally. Its origins owed something to particular conditions of time and place, and the American Civil War ended this system. Yet close analysis indicates that it may have surprising relevance for the future of contemporary issues such as the European Union and nuclear governance.

Book
08 May 1995
TL;DR: Cemal Kafadar as mentioned in this paper offers a much more subtle and complex interpretation of the early Ottoman period than that provided by other historians, showing how ethnic, tribal, linguistic, religious, and political affiliations were all at play in the struggle for power in Anatolia and the Balkans during the late Middle Ages.
Abstract: Cemal Kafadar offers a much more subtle and complex interpretation of the early Ottoman period than that provided by other historians. His careful analysis of medieval as well as modern historiography from the perspective of a cultural historian demonstrates how ethnic, tribal, linguistic, religious, and political affiliations were all at play in the struggle for power in Anatolia and the Balkans during the late Middle Ages. This highly original look at the rise of the Ottoman empire--the longest-lived political entity in human history--shows the transformation of a tiny frontier enterprise into a centralized imperial state that saw itself as both leader of the world's Muslims and heir to the Eastern Roman Empire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explore the hypothesis that transnational authority structures construct state identities and interests and propose a constructivist approach to examine the relationship between authority relations between states in informal empires, which is similar to our approach.
Abstract: Contemporary international politics embody a tension between formal equality and de facto inequality. States recognize each other as sovereign equals, yet the strong still push around the weak. Among the structures that reflect this tension are informal empires. The dominant assumptions in mainstream international relations theory, materialism and rationalism, privilege the formal equality of states in informal empires a priori: materialism by assuming that authority relations cannot exist between sovereign states; rationalism by assuming that states are sovereign over their own interests. A constructivist approach allows one to explore the hypothesis that transnational authority structures construct state identities and interests. An empirical analysis of the Soviet-East German relationship supports this hypothesis, which raises questions about the emerging study of international governance.

Book
01 Aug 1995
TL;DR: A Conceptual History of Civil Society The Hegelian, Marxian and the Gramscian Tradition Civil Society Reconsidered The Constitution of the Civil Sphere Civil Society as the Arena of Contestation Restating the Need for Civil Society as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Of States and of Civil Societies Thinking about the State Civil Society A Conceptual History Civil Society The Hegelian, Marxian and the Gramscian Tradition Civil Society Reconsidered The Constitution of the Civil Sphere Civil Society as the Arena of Contestation Restating the Need for Civil Society

Book
20 Nov 1995
TL;DR: Meyer et al. as discussed by the authors defined a world of nation-states and the determination of statehood as "conceptual challenges and empirical shifts in state structure and practice".
Abstract: Foreword by John W Meyer Abbreviations A World of Nation-States The World Polity in Perspective Transnational Agencies and Forces: International Organizations and the World Polity The Determination of Statehood: Conceptual Challenges and Empirical Shifts Prescribing State Practice: Accounting for Progress Policy Prescriptions: Ideology in State Structure and Practice An Institutional Profile: Constructing the Nation-State Appendix: Coding Schemes and Categories References Index

Book
01 Jul 1995
TL;DR: The United States and the United Nations finally intervened militarily in Somalia in 1992, thereby limiting their ability to act on the core political and security dimensions of the emergency, which led to state collapse and social disintegration.
Abstract: The multilateral military intervention in Somalia was one of the international community's first major attempts to respond to a dangerous new challenge in the post-cold war erathe problem of state collapse and social disintegration. Catastrophes such as Somalia reach public attention as humanitarian emergencies, but the underlying causes are the disintegration of political institutions and the resulting chaos and insecurity. Given the challenges inherent in such political crises, can the international community respond effectively to encourage political reconciliation and the rehabilitation of governing institutions?This book suggests that the international community ignored clear warning signs in Somalia and missed several opportunities to use diplomacy to prevent state collapse. As a result, the destruction of the state became more complete and the difficulties in rebuilding a viable system more demanding. When the United States and the United Nations finally intervened militarily in 1992, they focused on the humanitarian aspects of the emergency, thereby limiting their ability to act on the core political and security dimensions.This book shows how lessons learned in Somalia will shape international responses in future cases. It details the deep- rooted social, political, and economic processes that led to the decomposition of the state in the early 1990s; analyzes the attempts by the international community to encourage political reconciliation; and offers guidelines for policymakers. "

Journal Article
TL;DR: The European Union (E.U) is a prominent case to investigate if one is interested in issues like the changing nature of boundaries and the possibilities of constructing political communities beyond sovereignty as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Western Europe is probably the area in the world where one meets the most advanced case of border fluidity and transgression of sovereignty. John Ruggie recently suggested that "the institutional, juridical and spatial complexes associated with the community may constitute nothing less than the emergence of the first truly postmodern international political form."(1) Postmodernity in the context of international relations first of all means post-sovereignty. The European Union (E.U.), as it now calls itself, is thus a prominent case to investigate if one is interested in issues like the changing nature of boundaries and the possibilities of constructing political communities beyond sovereignty. One way to address this question would be to see to what extent politics in the E.U. proceed according to old rules, and to what extent they follow new post-sovereign patterns. However, this is easier said than done. A principle like state sovereignty is neither an empirical designation nor an edict on limits of accepted behavior, so one cannot in a simple sense check empirical events against this description. Rather, sovereignty is an underlying organizing principle, a structure visible to the extent that events can be seen as effects of its particular generative grammar.(2) Thus it is impossible to find conclusive evidence for the status of generative grammars or organizing principles. In observing the simultaneity of European Court supremacy and the persistence of national legal systems, the postmodernist will see proof of new organizing principles, while the traditionalist will argue - legitimately - that the system is still constituted on the basis of sovereignty. As argued by Hedley Bull: Indeed, it is difficult to believe that anyone ever asserted the "statecentric" view of international politics that is today so knowingly rejected by those who seek to emphasize the role of "the new international actors." What was widely asserted about European international relations from the time of Vattel in the mid-eighteenth century until the end of the First World War was the legal fiction of a political universe that consisted of states alone, the doctrine that only states had rights and duties in international law.(3) There is good reason to be careful not to proclaim a radical transformation every time one sees change, or what Ruggie has referred to as: the prevailing superficiality of the proliferating literature on international transformations, in which the sheer momentum of processes sweeps the international polity along toward its next encounter with destiny.(4) Therefore, it is easy to write entertaining essays on how Western Europe has become "neo-medieval," "post-sovereign" or organized by "fractal politics." But it is difficult to substantiate such claims in a satisfactory way, unless one makes a straw-man out of sovereignty and transfers it from its role as underlying principle to a role of empirical regularity or judicial limitation. In order to overcome this dilemma, this article will look at the E.U. on a different level, through a discussion of the overall dynamics of the process, rather than the day-to-day operations and decision making (although they will, of course, be part of the analysis). Whether or not the E.U. is beyond sovereignty is an impossible discussion. It is definitely possible to make the case against transformation. The really interesting discussions are those that address the destiny of the project, whether the E.U. points realistically (and not just programmatically) beyond sovereignty; and if it points beyond the sovereignty of the present states, whether this necessarily leads to a sovereign E.U. or to something post-sovereign. This requires a return to the "big questions" of integration and integration theory. Classical Questions, Unconventional Approaches and False Starts To the founding fathers of integration theory, Ernst B. Haas, Karl W. …

Book
27 Sep 1995
TL;DR: This paper traced the conundrum of environmental regulation by tracing its source to the competing characterizations of regulatory legitimacy that have accompanied the growth of the American state, and proposed a solution to this conundrum.
Abstract: This text addresses the conundrum of environmental regulation by tracing its source to the competing characterizations of regulatory legitimacy that have accompanied the growth of the American state.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Sep 1995
TL;DR: The assumption of anarchy is a critical aspect of realism as mentioned in this paper, and transnational actors must be a natural component of a sovereign state system, and only if states were completely autarkic, or if all interactions across borders were conducted by official state functionaries, would there be no transnational agents.
Abstract: Introduction Neorealism has the great analytic virtues of parsimony and heuristic power. But even its most forceful proponents do not claim that it provides a complete description and analysis of international politics or foreign policy. For neorealism, states, understood as unified rational actors that embody the capabilities within a given territory, are the ontological givens. Systemic outcomes are a function of the distribution of power among states. The only analysis that neorealism can offer for the foreign policy of a specific state is based on the power capabilities of that state and the overall distribution of power in the system. Neorealism has little to say about transnational relations. For that matter it has little to say about domestic politics either. If, however, emphasis is given not to states as unified rational actors, but rather to another critical aspect of realism, the assumption of anarchy, then transnational actors must be a natural component of a sovereign state system. By definition, transnational relations could not occur in an empire; that is, a political system in which there is only one supreme political authority. All interactions in such a system must be domestic. Transnational actors can only exist in a system in which there are mutually exclusive multiple centers of political authority. If there is anarchy, if there is no supreme political authority, then transnational phenomena will almost certainly be present. Only if states were completely autarkic, or if all interactions across borders were conducted by official state functionaries, would there be no transnational actors.