scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1998"


MonographDOI
13 Feb 1998
TL;DR: Rothstein this paper argues that the choice of such institutions at certain formative moments in a country's history is what determines the political support for different types of social policy, and thus explains the great variation among contemporary welfare states in terms of differing moral and political logics which have been set in motion by the deliberate choices of political institutions.
Abstract: In this book Bo Rothstein seeks to defend the universal welfare state against a number of important criticisms which it has faced in recent years. He combines genuine philosophical analysis of normative issues concerning what the state ought to do with empirical political scientific research in public policy examining what the state can do. Issues discussed include the relationship between welfare state and civil society, the privatization of social services, and changing values within society. His analysis centres around the importance of political institutions as both normative and empirical entities, and Rothstein argues that the choice of such institutions at certain formative moments in a country's history is what determines the political support for different types of social policy. He thus explains the great variation among contemporary welfare states in terms of differing moral and political logics which have been set in motion by the deliberate choices of political institutions. The book is an important contribution to both philosophical and political debates about the future of the welfare state.

1,057 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the changing relationship between global cities and territorial states in contemporary Europe, and outlines some of its implications for the geography of world capitalism in the late twentieth century, and argues that new theories and representations of spatial scale and its social production are needed to grasp the rapidly changing political geography of late twentieth-century capitalism.
Abstract: This article examines the changing relationship between global cities and territorial states in contemporary Europe, and outlines some of its implications for the geography of world capitalism in the late twentieth century. Most accounts of global cities are based upon a ‘zero-sum’ conception of spatial scale that leads to an emphasis on the declining power of the territorial state: as the global scale expands, the state scale is said to contract. By contrast, I view globalization as a highly contradictory reconeguration of superimposed spatial scales, including those on which the territorial state is organized. The state scale is not being eroded, but rearticulated and reterritorialized in relation to both sub- and supra-state scales. The resultant, re-scaled coneguration of state territorial organization is provisionally labeled a ‘glocal’ state. As nodes of accumulation, global cities are sites of post-Fordist forms of global industrialization; as coordinates of state territorial power, global cities are local-regional levels within a larger, reterritorialized matrix of increasingly ‘glocalized’ state institutions. State re-scaling is a major accumulation strategy through which these transformed ‘glocal’ territorial states attempt to promote the global competitive advantage of their major urban regions. Global city formation and state re-scaling are therefore dialectically intertwined moments of a single dynamic of global capitalist restructuring. These arguments are illustrated through a discussion of the interface between global cities and territorial states in contemporary Europe. A concluding section argues that new theories and representations of spatial scale and its social production are needed to grasp the rapidly changing political geography of late twentieth-century capitalism.

605 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the state is dead and long live the state, and propose the notion of a state deniala, which is the Phenomenon of a State Deniala and the Myth of the Powerless State.
Abstract: Preface. 1. The State is Dead. Long Live the State. Introduction. The Phenomenon of a State Deniala . Scope of the Argument. The Book in Outline. 2. The Sources of State Capacity. . Introduction. The Problem of State Capacity. Approaches to State Capacity. Conclusion. 3. Transformative Capacity in Evolution: East Asian Developmental States. Introduction. Institutions and Economic Performance. Institutional Capacities for Industrial Transformation. The Changing Basis of State Capacity. Forms and Dynamics of Governed Interdependence. Conclusion: State a Powera in East Asia. 4. Limits of the Distributive State: Swedish Model or Global Economy? . Introduction. Distributive State Capacity. The Model Unravels: External Pressures?. Undermining from Within. The Limits of a Distributive Strategy. Explanations of the Swedish Strategy. Conclusion. 5. Dualistic States: Germany in the Japanese Mirror. Introduction. The German Case: How a Developmentala is the State?. The State in the Rise of German Industrial Power. Geopolitical Submergence of Transformative Capacity. Private--Sector Governance: A State--informed System of Coordination. Postwar Developmentalism: Innovation Without Change. Reconstituting Transformative Capacity. Dual Capabilities and National Prosperity. How a Distributivea is the Japanese State?. Conclusion. 6. The Limits of Globalization. Introduction. What does a Globalizationa Mean?. The Question of Novelty. The Question of Magnitude. The Question of Distribution. The Question of Mobility. 7. The Myth of the Powerless State. The Extent of Government Powerlessness. Convergence Versus Varieties of State Capacity. Adaptivity of the State. The State as Victim of Midwife of a Globalizationa . The Emergence of a Catalytica States. Conclusion. Notes. Bibliography. Index.

564 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The international relations (IR) discipline is dominated by the American research community as discussed by the authors, and the main patterns are explained through a sociology of science model that emphasizes the different nineteenth-century histories of the state, the early format of social science, and the institutionalized delineation among the different social sciences.
Abstract: The international relations (IR) discipline is dominated by the American research community. Data about publication patterns in leading journals document this situation as well as a variance in theoretical orientations. IR is conducted differently in different places. The main patterns are explained through a sociology of science model that emphasizes the different nineteenth-century histories of the state, the early format of social science, and the institutionalized delineation among the different social sciences. The internal social and intellectual structure of American IR is two-tiered, with relatively independent subfields and a top layer defined by access to the leading journals (on which IR, in contrast to some social sciences, has a high consensus). The famous successive “great debates” serve an important function by letting lead theorists focus and structure the whole discipline. IR in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom has historically been structured differently, often with power vested more locally. American IR now moves in a direction that undermines its global hegemony. The widespread turn to rational choice privileges a reintegration (and status-wise rehabilitation) with the rest of political science over attention to IR practices elsewhere. This rationalistic turn is alien to Europeans, both because their IR is generally closer to sociology, philosophy, and anthropology, and because the liberal ontological premises of rational choice are less fitting to European societies. Simultaneously, European IR is beginning to break the local power bastions and establish independent research communities at a national or, increasingly, a European level. As American IR turns from global hegemony to national professionalization, IR becomes more pluralistic.

559 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argues that liberal states accept unwanted immigration because of self-limited sovereignty and client politics, and argues that acceptance is due to legal constraints and moral obligations that are unevenly distributed across Europe due to different views of guestworkers and postcolonial regimes.
Abstract: This article explores the reasons for the acceptance of unwanted immigration among Western countries. This author distinguishes between sovereignty as formal rule-making authority and empirical capacity to implement rules. Freemans analysis indicates that there is little evidence of a decline in sovereignty. States are interdependent and expulsion or nonadmittance practices against an alien would be unacceptable. Western states respect the rights of persons and not just citizens. Economic globalization and the rise of international human rights issues may force states to accept unwanted immigration and reduce the autonomy of the state in immigration policy-making but these reasons are unlikely. The author argues that liberal states accept unwanted immigration because of self-limited sovereignty and client politics. The author modifies Freemans model by explaining that Europes acceptance is due to the statutory and constitutional residence and family rights legal issues rather than elitist client politics or popular national interest politics. European countries vary in the processing of unwanted immigration. The author discusses two cases of illegal immigration in the US and family immigration in Europe. The US accepts unwanted immigration because of client politics a strong antipopulist normative view that the US is a nation of immigrants and civil rights imperatives of strict nondiscrimination. The cases of Germany and Britain illustrate that acceptance is due to legal constraints and moral obligations that are unevenly distributed across Europe due to different views of guestworkers and postcolonial regimes.

553 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, the shadow state and the shadow market in Africa are discussed. But the authors focus on the early years of the early 1970s, when the early Stevens' years, 1968-1973, were considered.
Abstract: 1. Informal markets and the shadow state: some theoretical issues 2. Colonial rule and the foundations of the shadow state 3. Elite hegemony and the threat of political and economic reform 4. Reining in the informal market: the early Stevens' years, 1968-1973 5. An exchange of services: state power and the diamond business 6. The shadow state and international commerce 7. Foreign firms, economic 'reform' and shadow state power 8. The changing character of African sovereignty.

522 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The impact of war on interdependence was insightful: World War I wrought unprecedented destruction, not only on the battlefield but also on the social and political systems that had thrived during the relatively peaceful years since 1815.
Abstract: THROUGHOUT T H E twentieth century, modernists have been proclaiming that technology would transform world politics. In 1910 Norman Angell declared that economic interdependence rendered wars irrational and looked forward to the day when they would become obsolete. Modernists in the 1970s saw telecommunications and jet travel as creating a global village, and believed that the territorial state, which has dominated world politics since the feudal age, was being eclipsed by nonterritorial actors such as multinational corporations, transnational social movements, and international organizations. Likewise, prophets such as Peter Drucker, Alvin and Heidi TofHer, and Esther Dyson argue that today s information revolution is ending hierarchical bureaucracies and leading to a new electronic feudalism with overlapping communities and jurisdictions laying claim to multiple layers of citizens' identities and loyalties. The modernists of past generations were partly right. Angell's understanding of the impact of war on interdependence was insightful: World War I wrought unprecedented destruction, not only on the battlefield but also on the social and political systems that had thrived during the relatively peaceful years since 1815. As the modernists of the 1970s predicted, multinational corporations, nongovernmental

507 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: A Theory of Foreign Policy: Why States Expand and Why States Understretch: Power and Nonexpansion, 1865-1889 as discussed by the authors, and the Rise of the American State, 1877-1896: The Foundation for a New Foreign Policy 90 Chapter Five The New Diplomacy, 1889-1908: The Emergence of a Great Power 128 Chapter Six Conclusion: Strong Nation, Weak State 181 Index 193
Abstract: Chapter One Introduction: What Makes a Great Power? 3 Chapter Two A Theory of Foreign Policy: Why Do States Expand? 13 Chapter Three Imperial Understretch: Power and Nonexpansion, 1865-1889 44> Chapter Four The Rise of the American State, 1877-1896: The Foundation for a New Foreign Policy 90 Chapter Five The New Diplomacy, 1889-1908: The Emergence of a Great Power 128 Chapter Six Conclusion: Strong Nation, Weak State 181 Index 193

467 citations


Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, a theoretically informed view of the relationships between an emerging global civil society and international political institutions is presented, with case studies exploring the theories of the theories and their application in transnational social movements.
Abstract: This volume aims to generate a theoretically informed view of the relationships between an emerging global civil society - partly manifested in transnational social movements - and international political institutions, with case studies exploring the theories.

453 citations


Book
13 Feb 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, a western perspective on an eastern intepretation of where north meets south: Pyrenean borderland cultures is presented, and the transformation of the European/Africa frontier is discussed.
Abstract: 1 Nation, state and identity at international borders 2 State formation and national identity in the Catalan borderland during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 3 A western perspective on an eastern intepretation of where north meets south: Pyrenean borderland cultures 4 The 'new immigration' and the transformation of the European/Africa frontier 5 Transnationalism in California and Mexico at the end of empire 6 National identity on the frontier: Palestinians in the Israeli educational system 7 'Grenzregime': the Wall and its aftermath 8 Transcending the state? Gender and borderline constructions of citizenship in Zimbabwe 9 Borders, boundaries, tradition and state on the Malaysian periphery 10 Markets, morality and modernity in north-east Turkey 11 Imagining 'the south': hybridity, heterotropies and Arabesk on the Turkish Syrian border

354 citations


Book
20 Aug 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the natural law of contracts is the divine law and the other laws of nature are the other law of nature 4. On the causes and generation of a commonwealth, on the right of the Assembly of Man, who holds sovereign authority in the commonwealth and on the three kinds of commonwealth democracy, aristocracy and monarchy.
Abstract: Acknowledgements Introduction Note on the translation Key words Principal events in Hobbes's life Further reading On the Citizen Preface to the readers 1. On the state of man without civil society 2. On the natural law of contracts 3. On the other laws of nature 4. That the natural law is the divine law 5. On the causes and generation of a commonwealth 6. On the right of the Assembly of Man, who holds sovereign authority in the commonwealth 7. On the three kinds of commonwealth democracy, aristocracy and monarchy 8. On the right of masters over slaves 9. On the rights of parents over children, and on the Patrimonial Kingdom 10. Comparison of the disadvantages of each of the three kinds of commonwealth 11. Passages and examples from holy scripture about the right of kingship, which appear to support our account 12. On the internal causes which tend to dissolve a commonwealth 13. On the duties of those who exercise sovereign power 14. On laws and sins 15. On the kingdom of God by nature 16. On the kingdom of God by the old agreement 17. On the kingdom of God by the new agreement 18. On what is necessary for entry into the Kingdom of heaven Index.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A search for clear definitions in the relevant literature is in vain this article, not because the concept lacks definitions; rather the definitions are too multiple and varied to bring clarity, and most writers on civil society agree that civil society has an institutional core constituted by voluntary associations outside the sphere of the state and the economy.
Abstract: Vaclav Havel observed that a strong civil society is a crucial condition of strong democracy. Empowering civil society is a central concern for the project of democracy, just as the question of how best to think about such empowerment is important to social and political theory. But what is ‘civil society’? A search for clear definitions in the relevant literature is in vain. Not because the concept lacks definitions; rather the definitions are too multiple and varied to bring clarity. Most writers on civil society agree, however, that civil society has an institutional core constituted by voluntary associations outside the sphere of the state and the economy. Such associations range from, for example, churches, cultural associations, sport clubs and debating societies to independent media, academies, groups of concerned citizens, grass-roots initiatives and organizations of gender, race and sexuality, all the way to occupational associations, political parties and labour unions (Habermas 1992a: 453).

Journal ArticleDOI
Stephen Gill1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the new constitutionalism of disciplinary neo-liberalism, understood as the discourse of governance that informs this pattern of change, which is reflected in the World Bank's World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World.
Abstract: Constitutional revision is a feature of the 1990s. Specifically, this involves initiatives to politically ‘lock in’ neo‐liberal reforms. These initiatives serve to secure investor freedoms and property rights for transnational enterprises. Yet students of international political economy have paid surprisingly little attention to the constitutional aspects of global restructuring. Thus this essay analyses the new constitutionalism of disciplinary neo‐liberalism, understood as the discourse of governance that informs this pattern of change. It is reflected in the World Bank's World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World. New constitutionalism operates to confer privileged rights of citizenship and representation to corporate capital and large investors. What is emerging within state forms (state & endash civil society complexes) is a pattern of authority in which capital has greater weight and representation, restraining the democratisation process that has involved centuries of struggle for...

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a view from the new millennium glossary of South Asian history, including the Mughal empire, the first century of British rule, 1757 to 1857, state and economy, and the transition to crown raj, 1858 to 1914.
Abstract: List of illustrations. Preface to the Fourth Edition. Preface to the Third Edition. Preface to the Second Edition. Preface to the First Edition. Acknowledgements. 1. South Asian history: an introduction. 2. Modernity and antiquity: interpretations of ancient India 3. Pre-modern accommodations of difference: the making of Indo-Islamic cultures 4. The Mughal empire: state, economy and society 5. India between empires: decline or decentralization? 6. The transition to colonialism: resistance and collaboration 7. The first century of British rule, 1757 to 1857: state and economy 8. Company raj and Indian society, 1757 to 1857: re-invention and reform of tradition 9. 1857: rebellion, collaboration and the transition to crown raj 10. High noon of colonialism, 1858 to 1914: state and political economy 11. A nation in making? 'Rational' reform, 'religious' revival and swadeshi nationalism, 1858 to 1914 12. Colonialism under siege: state and political economy after World War I 13. Gandhian nationalism and mass politics in the 1920s 14. The Depression decade: society, economics and politics 15. Nationalism and colonialism during World War II and its aftermath: economic crisis and political confrontation 16. The partition of India and the creation of Pakistan 17. 1947: memories and meanings 18. Post-colonial South Asia: state and economy, society and politics, 1947 to 1971 19. Post-colonial South Asia: state and economy, society and politics, 1971 to 2017 20. Decolonizing South Asian history: a view from the new millennium Glossary. A chronological outline. Select bibliography and notes. Index.

Book
30 Jun 1998
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of the Libyan monarchy and Jamahiriyya in the development of the country's economy and state-building in a distributive state.
Abstract: List of acronyms preface note on transliteration chronology, 1951 1996. Part 1 Introduction and theory: issues and framework - situating the debate, the Libyan monarchy and Jamahiriyya, overview the distributive state - state formation - revenues and institutions, state-building in distributive states, politics and development in distributive states, distributive states - oil and history, state strength, autonomy, and social setting. Part 2 Libya since independence: shadow of the past - the Sanusi Kingdom - the Sanusi Kingdom and the colonial legacy, Libya's first oil boom - state-building and institutions, conclusion from kingdom to republic - the Qadhafi coup - political consolidation and mobilization, the popular revolution and the pursuit of legitimacy, from concession to participation - oil and development, conclusion Thawra and Tharwa -Libya's boom-and-bust decade - technocrats versus revolutionaries -transition toward a Jamahiriyya, the Green Book - popular rule, postponing reform - the last great spender of petrodollars, postponing reform confrontation abroad, mobilization at home, the politics of evocation - myths, symbols, and charisma, emerging problems of control, oil and state-building during Libya's revolutionary decade, conclusion shadow of the future - Libya's failed Infitah -"revolution within the revolution", Libya's Infitah, markets, institutions, and economic reform, growth and development, conclusion. Part 3 Conclusion: oil and state-building in distributive states - the Libyan contribution - state-building, institutions, and rent-seeking in distributive states, the power of the distributive state, power or wealth - politics in distributive states, state-building in the Jamahiriyya - observation on the future oil, state-building, and politics.

01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: The Therapeutic State as mentioned in this paper explores the role and utility of government in the United States and how the state increasingly turns to the therapeutic ethos as a justification for its programs and policies, a development that will profoundly influence the relationship between government and citizenry.
Abstract: The United States has always been profoundly conflicted about the role and utility of its government. Simmering just beneath the surface of heated public discussions over the appropriate scope and size of government are foundational questions about the very purpose of the state, and the basis of its authority. America's changing and diversifying cultural climate makes common agreement about the government's raison d'etre all the more difficult. In The Therapeutic State, James Nolan shows us how these unresolved dilemmas have coalesced at century's end. Today the American state, faced with a steady decline in public confidence, has embraced a therapeutic code of moral understanding to legitimize its very existence. By ranging widely across education, criminal justice, welfare, political rhetoric, and civil law, Nolan convincingly illustrates how the state increasingly turns to the therapeutic ethos as a justification for its programs and policies, a development that will profoundly influence the relationship between government and citizenry. In a tone refreshingly free of polemic, Nolan charts the dialectic relationship between culture and politics and, against the backdrop of striking historical contrasts, gives example after example of the emergence of therapeutic sensibilities in the processes of the American state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a critical alternative to two key aspects of conventional wisdom in international policy: the prevailing notion of internal or intra-state war as bounded by traditional views of the nation-state, and the development model of conflict which regards so-called internal war as originating from poverty, scarcity or weak institutions.
Abstract: This paper provides a critical alternative to two key aspects of conventional wisdom in international policy. First, the prevailing notion of internal or intra‐state war as bounded by traditional views of the nation‐state. Second, the development model of conflict which regards so‐called internal war as originating from poverty, scarcity or weak institutions. In distinction, the idea of post‐modern conflict addresses the emergence of political projects in the South, including qualified state forms, which no longer need to establish territorial, bureaucratic or consent‐based political authority. Moreover, rather than scarcity or breakdown, despite the high social costs involved, protracted instability can be associated with innovative and expanding forms of political economy. Using material from Africa and the European East, the paper examines some of the relations and structures involved. Warlords, for example, have forged new and viable links with international organisations and global markets. At the sa...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors develop the hypothesis that the political aspect is being reinforced at the sub-national level and make a detour through the works of various economists and sociologists, in order to bring to light modes of regulation which they have identified.
Abstract: In most European countries, any challenge to the state raises major disquiet, given the weight of influence of states in structuring groups and interests and in organizing economic development, notably in the most heavily centralized countries. This article develops the hypothesis that the political aspect is being reinforced at the sub-national level. Then, following from this, it makes a detour through the works of various economists and sociologists, in order to bring to light — though not to try and cover exhaustively — modes of regulation which they have identified. In doing this, questions are asked about political regulation in situations or contexts where it is not necessarily dominant, in the hope that this may lead to an understanding of how different types of regulation have formed linkages in different types of territory. Finally, the article develops the concept of governance and redefines it within a territorial framework, from a ‘new political economy’ perspective.

Book
11 Jun 1998
TL;DR: Radhika Singha as mentioned in this paper looks at law-making as a cultural enterprise, one in which the colonial authorities were compelled to draw upon normative codes of rank, status, and gender so as to realign them to a new, more exclusive definition of the state's sovereign right.
Abstract: Radhika Singha looks at law-making as a cultural enterprise, one in which the colonial authorities were compelled to draw upon normative codes of rank, status, and gender so as to realign them to a new, more exclusive definition of the state's sovereign right.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explain why agricultural exceptionalism and the state assistance paradigm has endured in the EU while it has withered in the US highlights the importance of the political institutional framework in locking in policy principles and instruments; the degree of fit of a sectoral policy paradigm with the broader societal ideational framework regarding appropriate relations between the state, the market, and the individual; and the capacity of a paradigm to adjust in the face of challenges and anomalies.
Abstract: The differing trajectory of agricultural policy reforms in the 1990s in the world's two most important agricultural powers, the United States and the European Community/Union (EC/EU), can only be fully understood by appreciating the role that ideas play in policy outcomes. The idea of agricultural exceptionalism underwrote a paradigm of state assistance in the US and the EC/EU. By the mid-1980s, the state assistance paradigm was under stress, and subject to a number of anomalies in both the US and the EC. But while the paradigm was overthrown and replaced with a market liberal model in the US grain sector in the 1990s, it remained intact in the European Union. Explaining why agricultural exceptionalism and the state assistance paradigm has endured in the EU while it has withered in the US highlights three factors: the importance of the political institutional framework in locking in—or not—policy principles and instruments; the degree of fit of a sectoral policy paradigm with the broader societal ideational framework regarding appropriate relations between the state, the market, and the individual; and the capacity of a paradigm to adjust in the face of challenges and anomalies.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: According to some scholars, international borders are becoming so porous that they no longer fulfil their historical role as barriers to the movement of goods, ideas and people, and as markers of the extent and power of the state as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: According to some scholars, we are living in a world where state borders are increasingly obsolete. This view holds that international borders are becoming so porous that they no longer fulfil their historical role as barriers to the movement of goods, ideas and people, and as markers of the extent and power of the state. This withering away of the strength and importance of international borders is linked to the predicted demise of the nation-state as the pre-eminent political structure of modernity. The threatened passing of the state, in turn, heralds the weakening of most of the world's existing political, social and cultural structures and associations. As a result, the role of individuals in these structures is called into question, especially in terms of their loyalties and identities. In line with this fall-off in the determinative power of traditional political statuses is the rise of the new politics of identity, in which the definitions of citizenship, nation and state vie with identities which have acquired a new political significance, such as gender, sexuality, ethnicity and race, among others, for control of the popular and scholarly political imaginations of the contemporary world. Moreover, these processes are supposedly accelerating, continually shifting the ground upon which nation-states once stood, changing the framework of national and international politics, creating new and important categories of transnationalism, and increasing the significance and proliferation of images and a host of other messages about the relevance of ‘other’ world cultures in the everyday lives of us all.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the relationship between statehood and the international system, with particular reference to the states of sub-Saharan Africa, and suggested that statehood should be regarded as a relative concept; and that rather than distinguish sharply between entities that are, and are not, states, we should regard different entities as meeting the criteria for international statehood to a greater or lesser degree.
Abstract: This paper explores the relationship between statehood and the international system, with particular reference to the states of sub-Saharan Africa. It suggests, as the title implies, that statehood should be regarded as a relative concept; and that rather than distinguish sharply between entities that are, and are not, states, we should regard different entities as meeting the criteria for international statehood to a greater or lesser degree. Entities which we have been accustomed to regard as states, at least for the purposes of studying them in international relations, sometimes fail to exercise even the minimal responsibilities associated with state power, while those who control them do not behave in the way that is normally ascribed to the ‘rulers’ of states. Entities that are not accorded the status of states, such as guerrilla insurgencies or even voluntary organizations, may take on attributes that have customarily been associated with sovereign statehood. This conclusion carries at least a salutary warning against too readily ascribing the supposedly universal characteristics of states to peripheral areas of the modern global system, in which the categories in which we are accustomed to regard international politics have become blurred. More broadly, given the peculiar and privileged position of states in the conventional analysis of international relations, it may carry significant implications for the idea of international relations itself.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The traditional normative concept of state sovereignty is strained and flawed, but in the absence of better means to manage inequality it remains preferable to any of the alternatives on offer as discussed by the authors. But discarding sovereignty in favour of a functional approach will intensify inequality, weakening restraints on coercive intervention, diminishing critical roles of the state as a locus of identity and an autonomous zone of politics, and redividing the world into zones.
Abstract: Inequality within and between societies has been a neglected issue in the contemporary theory of international law. The concept of sovereignty makes this neglect possible in traditional international law, as analysis of Oppenheim's 1905 textbook demonstrates. Globalization and democratization are placing state sovereignty under strain, as international rules and institutions appear to become more intrusive, transnational civil society more active, and unitary state control less pronounced. State sovereignty as a normative concept is increasingly challenged, especially by a functional view in which the state loses its normative priority and competes with supranational, private, and local actors in the optimal allocation of regulatory authority. But discarding sovereignty in favour of a functional approach will intensify inequality, weakening restraints on coercive intervention, diminishing critical roles of the state as a locus of identity and an autonomous zone of politics, and redividing the world into zones. The traditional normative concept of sovereignty is strained and flawed, but in the absence of better means to manage inequality it remains preferable to any of the alternatives on offer.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the current legislative approach to securities regulation is mistaken and advocate a marketoriented approach of competitive federalism that would expand the role of the states in securities regulation and would fundamentally reconceptualize the regulatory scheme.
Abstract: This Article contends that the current legislative approach to securities regulation is mistaken. It advocates a market-oriented approach of competitive federalism that would expand the role of the states in securities regulation and would fundamentally reconceptualize the regulatory scheme. Under a system of competitive federalism for securities regulation, only one sovereign will have jurisdiction over all transactions in the securities of a corporation that involve the issuer or its agents and investors: the sovereign chosen by the issuer from among the federal government, the fifty states, or foreign nations. The aim is to replicate for the securities setting the benefits produced by state competition for corporate charters -- a responsive legal regime that has tended to maximize share value. As a competitive legal market supplants a monopolist federal agency in the fashioning of regulation, it will produce rules more aligned with the preferences of investors, whose decisions drive the capital market. Competitive federalism for U.S. securities regulation also has important implications for international securities regulation. The jurisdictional principle applicable to domestic securities transactions is equally applicable: Foreign issuers selling shares in the United States would be able to opt out of the federal securities laws and choose the law of another nation, such as their country of incorporation, or of a U.S. state, to govern those U.S. transactions.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the effects of transnational migration on Mexican and Dominican societies by comparing recent changes in the relationship between the Mexican and the Dominican states and their nationals abroad.
Abstract: Transnational migration constitutes a significant global force While transmigrants transformative powers are less apparent and their practices less glamorous than those of global corporate capital their influence on social and institutional transformations rivals that of capital Most studies of these transformations have focused on labor-importing countries This paper presents a view from labor-exporting countries by analyzing the effects of transnational migration on Mexican and Dominican societies It compares recent changes in the relationship between the Mexican and the Dominican states and their nationals abroad and examines the resulting changes in the definition of citizenship national identity and class relations Using different institutional and political means these states are promoting the inclusion of migrants into the nation of origin and instrumentally facilitating their incorporation in the US polity Both states are increasingly dependent on transmigration because it: (a) constitutes a sociopolitical safety valve; (b) generates both hard currency and political supporters from afar; and (c) provides advocates of government agendas vis-a-vis the United States The paper argues that the Mexican and Dominican states decision to construct a more inclusive transterritorialized society has not led to social equality among the migrant population but to the transnationalization of old social gender and regional inequalities (authors)

Book
01 Sep 1998
TL;DR: Van Rooy et al. as discussed by the authors mapped civil society and the aid industry in South-West Asia and found that the state, donors, and the politics of Democratization are interconnected.
Abstract: Acknowledgements About the Research Team The Editor The Authors The Advisors Acronyms List of Figures, Tables and Boxes Introduction: All Roads Lead to Rome Alison Van Rooy Why Bother About Civil Society? Origins 1. Civil Society as Idea: An Analytical Hatstand? Alison Van Rooy What is Civil Society? Keeping Analysis Separate from Hope 2. Out of the Ivory Tower: Civil Society and the Aid System Alison Van Rooy and Mark Robinson What is Civil Society Supposed to Do? What is the Aid System Doing? What Next? 3. Hungary: Civil Society in the Post-Socialist World Ferenc Miszlivetz and Katalin Ertsey The Metamorphosis of Civil Society Mapping Donor Interventions: Do they Matter in the Big Picture? 4. Sri Lanka: Civil Society, the Nation and the State-building Challenge Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu Mapping Civil Society Mapping Donors Civil Society and the Aid Industry Conclusion 5. Kenya: The State, Donors and the Politics of Democratization Wachira Maina Civil Society in Africa Civil Society and the State in Kenya Today Donor Support for Civil Society Reconstructing the State, Donor and Civil Society Relationships 6. Peru: Civil Society and the Autocratic Challenge Pepi Patron Mapping Civil Society in Peru Mapping Northern Donor Intervention Ideas About Power Relationships 7. The Art of Strengthening Civil Society Alison Van Rooy What We Found Theory The Aid Industry 'Strengthening' Civil Society The Impact on Donors Bibliography Index

Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, the National Security discourse: ideology, political culture and state making, and the high price of peace: guns-and-butter politics in the early Cold War.
Abstract: Preface and acknowledgements 1. The National Security discourse: ideology, political culture and state making 2. Magna Charta: the National Security Act and the specter of the Garrison state 3. The high price of peace: guns-and-butter politics in the early Cold War 4. The time tax: American political culture and the UMT debate 5. 'Chaos and conflict and carnage confounded': budget battles and defense reorganization 6. Preparing for permanent war: economy, science and secrecy in the National Security state 7. Turning point: NSC-68, the Korean war and the National Security response 8. Semiwar: the Korean war and rearmament 9. The Iron Cross: solvency, security and the Eisenhower transition 10. Other voices: the public sphere and the National Security mentality 11. Conclusion Selected bibliography Index.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors showed that both political and economic effects were important determinants of grant allocation during the New Deal period and that the importance of all the political variables is dramatically affected by the inclusion or exclusion of Nevada.

Journal ArticleDOI
Nancy F. Cott1
TL;DR: A focus on immigration and naturalization emphasizes that citizenship is a political fiction, an identification that can be put on like new clothing by the properly readied wearer, or taken off as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: IN THE UNITED STATES, where the creation of new citizens is an essential (if contested) tradition, there must certainly be more than one understanding of what citizenship is. A focus on immigration and naturalization emphasizes that citizenship is a political fiction, an identification that can be put on like new clothing by the properly readied wearer. Or taken off. Being a fiction does not mean that citizenship is false but that it is purposefully constructed, all the more reason that its meanings and the rewards and obligations it conveys may vary over time and among citizens. Citizenship represents not only the bond between an individual and a state but also a bond between one individual and many others. It represents an attachment to a political community, different from membership in a kinship group because the bonds are only figurative. The symbolic dimension is no less important than the material privileges and obligations that ensue from citizenship. Citizenship is a "powerful instrument of social closure," in Rogers Brubaker's words. The boundedness of the citizenry marks the nation-state's power.1 Whatever else it entails, citizenship is a distinctive form of social classification that colors personal standing in any community. It confers an identity that may have deep personal and psychological dimensions at the same time that it expresses belonging. The same can be said for marriage. Marriage also is a civil status that can

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For most Caribbean immigrants in the United States, race and color have played a crucial role in the formation of their cultural identities as mentioned in this paper, which often do not coincide with the ideological constructions of the receiving societies.
Abstract: When people move across state borders, they enter not only a different labor market and political structure but also a new system of social stratification by class, race, ethnicity, and gender. Migrants bring their own cultural conceptions of their identity, which often do not coincide with the ideological constructions of the receiving societies. As a mulatto Dominican colleague told me recently, she "discovered" that she was black only when she first came to the United States; until then she had thought of herself as an india clara (literally, a light Indian) in a country whose aboriginal population was practically exterminated in the 16th century. For most Caribbean immigrants in the United States, race and color have played a crucial role in the formation of their cultural identities. Two different models of racial hegemony are juxtaposed in the process of moving from the Caribbean to the United States. On one hand, Caribbean migrantsespecially those coming from the Spanish-speaking countries of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico-tend to use three main racial categories-black, white, and mixed-based primarily on skin color and other physical characteristics such as facial features and hair texture (Seda Bonilla, 1980). On the other hand, the dominant system of racial classification in the