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Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 2002"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify two principles that are key to state spatialization: vertically (thestate is "above" society) and encompassm ent (state "encompasses" its localities).
Abstract: In this exploratory article, we ask how states come to be understood as entities with particular spatial characteristics, and how changing relations between practices of government and national territories may be challenging long-established modes of state spatiality. In the first part of this article, we seek to identify two principles that are key to state spatialization: vertically (thestate is "above"society) andencompassm ent (thestate "encompasses" its localities). We use ethnographic evidence from a maternal health project in India to illustrate our argument that perceptions of verticality and encompassment are produced through routine bureaucratic practices. In the second part, we develop a concept of transnational governmentality as a way of grasping how new practices of government and new forms of "grassroots" politics may call into question the principles of vertical ity and encompassment that have long helped to legitimate and naturalize states' authority over "the local." [states, space, governmentality, globalization, neoliberalism, India, Africa] Recent years have seen a new level of anthropological concern with the modern

1,955 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors surveys the debate regarding Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and reviews the modified or alternative typologies ensuing from this debate and confine themselves to the classif...
Abstract: This paper surveys the debate regarding Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and reviews the modified or alternative typologies ensuing from this debate. We confine ourselves to the classif...

1,120 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: Biersteker and Hall as discussed by the authors discussed the emergence of private authority in the international system and the role of private regimes and inter-firm cooperation in the development of transnational regulation.
Abstract: Part I. Introduction: Theorizing Private Authority: 1. The emergence of private authority in the international system Rodney Bruce Hall and Thomas J. Biersteker 2. Private regimes and inter-firm cooperation A. Claire Cutler Part II. Market Authority: Globalization and 'Globaloney': 3. Economic governance in an electronically networked global economy Stephen J. Kobrin 4. Global markets, national authority and the problem of legitimation: the case of finance Louis W. Pauly 5. The state and globalization Saskia Sassen Part III. Moral Authority: Global Civil Society and Transnational Religious Movements: 6. 'Regulation for the rest of us?' Global civil society and the privatisation of transnational regulation Ronnie D. Lipschutz and Cathleen Fogel 7. The global dimensions of religious terrorism Mark Juergensmeyer Part IV. Illicit Authority: Mafias and Mercenaries: 8. Transnational organized crime and the state Phil Williams 9. The return of the dogs of war? The privatisation of security in Africa Bernadette Methuen and Ian Taylor Part V. Conclusions and Directions: 10. Private authority as global governance Thomas J. Biersteker and Rodney Bruce Hall.

675 citations


Book
Duane Swank1
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: This paper argued that the post-1970 rise in international capital mobility has not contributed to the retrenchment of developed welfare states, nor has globalization reduced the revenue-raising capacities of governments and undercut the political institutions that support the welfare state.
Abstract: This book argues that the post-1970 rise in international capital mobility has not contributed to the retrenchment of developed welfare states. Nor has globalization reduced the revenue-raising capacities of governments and undercut the political institutions that support the welfare state. Rather, institutional features of the polity and the welfare state determine the extent to which the economic and political pressures associated with globalization produce welfare state retrenchment. In systems characterized by electoral institutions, social corporatist interest representation and policy-making, centralized political authority, and social insurance-based program structures, pro-welfare state interests are favored. In nations characterized by majoritarian electoral institutions, pluralist interest representation and policy-making, decentralization of policy-making authority, and liberal program structure, the economic and political pressures attendant on globalization are translated into rollbacks of social protection. Globalization has had least impact on large welfare states of Northern Europe and most effect on small welfare states of Anglo nations.

670 citations


Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this paper, a brief history of the modern state and its constitutional orders is given, from princes to princely states, from kingly states to territories, from state-nations to nation-states, 1776-1914, the historic consequences of the Long War - the market-state, strategic choices, strategy and the marketstate, the wars of the market state, the conclusion.
Abstract: Part 1 State of war: introduction - law, strategy and history the Long War of the nation-state - Thucydides and the Epochal war, the struggle begun - Fascism, Communism, Parliamentarianism, 1914-1919, the struggle continued - 1919-1945, the struggle ended -1945-1990 a brief history of the modern state and its constitutional orders - strategy and the constitutional order, from princes to princely states - 1494-1648, from kingly states to territorial states - 1648-1776, from state-nations to nation-states - 1776-1914, the study of the modern state the historic consequences of the Long War - the market-state, strategic choices, strategy and the market-state, the wars of the market-state - conclusion. Part 2 states of peace: introduction - the origin of international law in the constitutional order the society of nation-states - Colonel House and a world made of law, the Kitty Genovese incident and the war in Bosnia, the death of the society of nation-states a brief history of the society of states and the international order - peace and the international order, the Treaty of Augsburg, the peace of Westphalia, the Treaty of Utrecht, the Congress of Vienna, the Versailles Treaty, the peace of Paris the society of market-states - challenges to the new international order, possible worlds, the coming age of war and peace, peace in the society of market-states - conclusion.

381 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 Nov 2002
TL;DR: The European Union is more than just a geographical entity as discussed by the authors, it is also more than a common market, it is a shared sovereignties, and it has a common tradition in war, peace, culture and, above all, welfare statism.
Abstract: Europe is more than just a geographical entity. And it is more than a ‘common market’. Europe has a common tradition in war, peace, culture and, above all, welfare statism-making it a distinct peninsula on the Asian continent (Schulze, 1990). The legally still separate West European nations may be about to merge into a United States of Europe (‘USE’) or at least into a steadily increasing ‘pool’ of ‘shared sovereignties’—an economic, political as well as cultural entity of its own-analogous to but also quite different from the USA. This process and prospect has been gaining momentum during the past two decades. After several unsuccessful attempts, the Single European Act of 28 February, 1986 and the Maastricht summit of December 1991 have moved the European Community (EC) closer to an economic, a political, and to some extent also a social union.1 By now, the EC has definitely developed beyond just a ‘tariff union’—but where is it moving? Will there be a European welfare state, a ‘transnational synthesis’ (Offe 1990:8) of national welfare states, with ‘European social citizenship’ being one backbone of the USE? Or will the welfare state, which is ‘characteristic only for this part of the world’ (van Langendonck, 1991), be irrelevant for ‘building the new European state’? Will fragmented ‘social citizenships’ remain at the national level, where they might slowly erode? (c.f. Majone, 1992)If European unification were not to be based on ‘social citizenship’, European welfare regimes would remain at the USE’s state or ‘regional’ level and stay below the supranational level of visibility. The regimes of poverty policy, the most exposed parts of social citizenship, would then be most likely to corrode slowly and inconspicuously. This may cause phantom pain for social welfare and, in particular, poverty experts. In their respective national contexts they would bestruggling with the consequences of something that never came to be: a European welfare state built on a European poverty policy.

371 citations


Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: The relationship between the rule of law and economic prosperity is discussed in this paper, where the authors provide a more detailed set of reform recommendations and the relationship between economic prosperity and a rule-of-law regime is discussed.
Abstract: areas he identifies and offer a more detailed set of reform recommendations. Another point that could have benefited from more explication is the relationship between the rule of law and economic prosperity. By limiting undue interference from the state and curtailing the arbitrary exercise of discretion by government officials, the rule of law provides individuals with the breathing space they need to pursue their livelihoods and better themselves in the manner they see fit. Certainly, economic prosperity ultimately is dependent, for instance, upon the extent to which individuals remain free to own, use, and exchange property absent excessive government intrusion. The positive relationship between economic prosperity and a rule of law regime is one that developing countries especially need to heed. It is not surprising, then, that F. A. Hayek placed such emphasis on the rule of law in The Road to Serfdom. There, to come back around to definitional first principles, Hayek explained that the concept “means that the government in all its actions is bound by rules fixed and announced beforehand—rules which make it possible to foresee with fair certainty how the authority will use its coercive powers in given circumstances and to plan one’s individual affairs on the basis of this knowledge.” All in all, Dean Cass has done well to remind that if we assert too often, without a sound basis, that judges in the United States act unconstrained by the rule of law, we may actually create a self-fulfilling prophecy. With expectations for adherence to neutral principles of law lowered, more and more judges may be tempted “to try a hand at creating the legal solutions they deem best suited to solve whatever problems they see.” If that were to happen, it would be a tragedy not only for us here at home, but for those abroad who look to the United States as an example of a constitutional republic in which the rule of law prevails.

311 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the last quarter of the twentieth century something transformed government across the advanced capitalist world, and a large amount of comparative political enquiry is now concerned with pinning a convincing label on that transformation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: misunderstanding the regulatory state?In the last quarter of the twentieth century something transformed government across the advanced capitalist world, and a large amount of comparative political enquiry is now concerned with pinning a convincing label on that transformation. Of the many candidates the subject of this review article has proved especially popular. As I will show, a regulatory state is now commonly said to exist in a wide range of geographical and institutional settings: writers speak of a regulatory state in the United States and in Britain; of the European regulatory state; and even of refinements like ‘a regulatory state inside the state’.

303 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
James Burk1
TL;DR: In this paper, a review of civil-military relations theory applied to mature democratic states is presented, showing how the classic and still influential theories of Huntington and Janowitz were rooted, respectively, in liberal and civic republican theories of democracy and neither adequately solved this problem.
Abstract: This article reviews civil-military relations theory applied to mature democratic states. It assumes that the important theoretical problem is how to maintain a military that sustains and protects democratic values, showing how the classic and still influential theories of Huntington and Janowitz were rooted, respectively, in liberal and civic republican theories of democracy and, as a result, neither adequately solved this problem. The article then uses current research to pose new questions about the relations between military and political elites, the relations of civilians to the military and the state, and the multinational use of force. Based on the review, it concludes that a new theory of civil-military relations-one that accounts for the circumstances mature democracies presently face and tells how militaries can sustain as they protect democratic values cannot be derived from either liberal or civic republican models of democracy, as Huntington and Janowitz tried to do, but might be derived from...

280 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the wake of September 1, 2001, the threat of terrorism has given the problem of failed nation-states an immediacy and importance that transcends its previous humanitarian dimension as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: IN THE WAKE of September 1i, the threat of terrorism has given the problem of failed nation-states an immediacy and importance that transcends its previous humanitarian dimension. Since the early 199os, wars in and among failed states have killed about eight million people, most of them civilians, and displaced another four million. The number of those impoverished, malnourished, and deprived of fundamental needs such as security, health care, and education has totaled in the hundreds of millions. Although the phenomenon of state failure is not new, it has become much more relevant and worrying than ever before. In less interconnected eras, state weakness could be isolated and kept distant. Failure had fewer implications for peace and security. Now, these states pose dangers not only to themselves and their neighbors but also to peoples around the globe. Preventing states from failing, and resuscitating those that do fail, are thus strategic and moral imperatives. But failed states are not homogeneous. The nature of state failure varies from place to place, sometimes dramatically. Failure and weak ness can flow from a nation's geographical, physical, historical, and

278 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation as mentioned in this paper is a history of the institution of marriage and its role in the formation and enforcement in American society, including the role of the state in defining and enforcing marriage laws.
Abstract: Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation. Nancy E Cott. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2000. 297 pp. ISBN 0-674-- 00320-9. $27.95 (cloth). In this synthesis of the substantial historical literature about marriage, historian Nancy Cott demonstrates that an institution we have traditionally labeled private has in fact always served public purposes, operating through the apparatus of the state. Marriage laws, in the service of moral, economic, and civic objectives, have shaped and continue to shape gender roles inside the home and out; they control the choice of suitable partners, at times in the past establishing racial barriers and at present determining the (il)legitimacy of samesex unions. In addition, marriage law trenches on the conveyance of citizenship, which affects both nationality and suffrage. Most citizens most of the time accept and therefore confirm legal limits; others resist, making marriage law over time a common site of contest about social mores. The revolution that separated the United States from Great Britain affected not only international relations and domestic legal systems; marriage theory also incorporated the repudiation of subjection implicit in monarchical governments. American women "consented" to be governed by husbands of their own choosing, although they lost substantial autonomy when they did so. But the American form of marriage reflected the values not only of a democratic republic but also of a Christian nation. During the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, Native Americans, European and Asian immigrants, religious dissidents such as the Mormons, Utopian socialists-all who espoused nonmajoritarian marital practices could not withstand the demands of Congress and of states that families form themselves into the units prescribed by the Christian church. Thus, tribal arrangements, polygamy, "common law" couples, and communities of "free lovers" largely disappeared by 1900, while tolerance of arranged marriages vanished in the twentieth century. "If marriages produced the polity," Cott notes, "then wrongfully joined marriages could be fatal" (p. 155). Choice and consent notwithstanding, Christian marriage doctrine could countenance rules making interracial marriage unacceptable; and if marriage signified state-sanctioned sexual association, laws controlling prostitution and sex outside of marriage (through restrictions on abortion and birth control) represented the other side of the coin-all in the service of a single model of marriage. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the assumption that Western nation-states were always "civic" from their inception in the late eighteenth century is criticized and a different framework is proposed that sees Western states as only having become civic recently.
Abstract: Hans Kohn's definition of a more "liberal, civic Western" and "illiberal, ethnic Eastern" nationalism has been highly influential in providing a framework for our understanding of different types of nationalism. This article challenges the Kohn framework as idealized and argues that it did not reflect historical reality and is out of step with contemporary theories of nationalism. Its continued use also ignores the evolution from communist to civic states that has taken place in central-eastern Europe during the 1990s. The assumption that Western nation-states were always "civic" from their inception in the late eighteenth century is criticized and a different framework is proposed that sees Western states as only having become civic recently. In times of crisis (immigration, foreign wars, domestic secessionism, terrorism), the civic element of the state may continue to be overshadowed by ethnic particularist factors. The proportional composition of a country's ethnic particularism and civic universalism ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a case study of NGO intervention in northern Ghana is presented, showing that tensions exist between the northern NGO and its partners, that the local NGOs create their own fiefdoms of client villages, and some officers use the NGO for personal promotion.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the model of state reconstruction currently adopted by the international community and some examples of its implementation and concludes that the approach cannot be applied to all countries, that institution-building is often undertaken prematurely, and that there is a discrepancy between the donors' prescriptions and the resources they are willing to make available.
Abstract: The international community has embraced an unprecedented approach to collapsed states — those that have lost their capacity to perform even the most basic functions. While historically such states simply disappeared, divided up into smaller units or were conquered by a more powerful neighbour, collapsed states are now expected to be rebuilt within the same international borders thanks to the intervention of multilateral organizations and bilateral donors. Furthermore, there is now the expectation that these states will from the very beginning be rebuilt as democracies with strong institutions. This article examines the model of state reconstruction currently adopted by the international community and some examples of its implementation. It concludes that the approach cannot be applied to all countries, that institution–building is often undertaken prematurely, and that there is a discrepancy between the donors’ prescriptions and the resources they are willing to make available.

Book
16 May 2002
TL;DR: In this paper, public policy in a changing world has been discussed, including the role of government, power and public policy, as well as internal and external challenges to the modern state I: Globalization and Europeanization.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: Public Policy in a Changing World 2. Interpreting Governance 3. Interpreting the Modern State 4. From Modernity to Crisis 5. Internal challenges to the Modern State : The New Right 6. External challenges to the Modern State I: Globalization 7. External challenges to the Modern State II: Europeanization 8. Governance and Civil Society 9. Changing Relations between Ministers and Civil Servants 10. Governance and New Labour 11. Conclusion: Governance, Power and Public Policy

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Challenge to the Nation-State as discussed by the authors presents the latest research by some of the world's leading figures in the fast growing area of immigration studies, focusing on two key areas in which nation-states are being challenged by this phenomenon: sovereignty and citizenship.
Abstract: This volume presents the latest research by some of the world's leading figures in the fast growing area of immigration studies. Relating the study of immigration to wider processes of social change, the book focuses on two key areas in which nation-states are being challenged by this phenomenon: sovereignty and citizenship. Bringing together the separate clusters of scholarship which have evolved around both of these areas, Challenge to the Nation-State disentangles the many contrasting views on the impact of immigration on the authority and integrity of the state. Some scholars have stressed the stubborn resistance of states to relinquish territorial control, the continued relevance of national citizenship traditions, and the 'balkanizing' risks of ethnically divided societies. Others have argued that migrations are fostering a post-national world. In their view, states' immigration policies are increasingly constrained by global markets and an international human rights regime, membership as citizenship is devalued by new forms of postnational membership for migrants, and national monocultures are giving way to multicultural diversity. Focusing on the issue of sovereignty in the first section, and citizenship in the second, this compelling new study seeks to clarify the central stakes and opposing positions in this important and complex debate.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, the authors argues that states remain the leading source of all international rules, and the limiting factor that ensures that international relations are shaped, and remain anchored to, the politics of the sovereign state.
Abstract: There are those who believe that the rules governing the international political system are changing fundamentally; a new universal constitutional order is in the making, with profound implications for the constituent units, competencies, structure, and standing of the international legal order (cf. Cassese 1986, 1991; Weller 1997). On the other side, there are those who are profoundly skeptical of any such transformation; they hold that states remain the leading source of all international rules—the limiting factor that ensures that international relations are shaped, and remain anchored to, the politics of the sovereign state (cf. Smith 1987; Holsti 1988; Buzan, Little, and Jones 1993). “In all times,” as Hobbes put it, political powers are “in continual jealousies, and in the state and postures of Gladiators” (1968, 187–8). Despite new legal initiatives, such as the human rights regime, “power politics” remain the bedrock of international relations; plus ca change, plus c’est la meme chose.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the International Journal of Human Rights: Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 81-102, the authors discuss Humanitarian Intervention and State Sovereignty.
Abstract: (2002). Humanitarian Intervention and State Sovereignty. The International Journal of Human Rights: Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 81-102.

Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: This paper argued that Europe should not be afraid to stand up against the American version of globalisation, and champion the cause of a reinvigorated international society - taking over the mantle now abandoned by the US. But Britain and Europe are different: our attitudes towards property, equality, social solidarity and the public realm are strikingly distinct from Amerrica's current conservative leanings.
Abstract: THE STATE WE'RE IN, Will Hutton's explosive analysis of British society, was the biggest selling politico-economic work since the Second World War. Now, as the world realigns itself in the wake of September 11, Hutton turns his attention to the global picture, and the ways in which the new world should be ordered. To understand the global economy, Hutton argues, one must first understand the United States where, over the past 30 years, the forces of conservatism have achieved such supremacy as to reduce liberalism to a term of abuse. The results have been dire: America is a weaker, fragmented society, and its economic strenths are oversold and misunderstood. But Britain and Europe are different: our attitudes towards property, equality, social solidarity and the public realm are strikingly distinct from Amerrica's current conservative leanings. Europe should not be afraid to stand up against the American version of globalisation, and champion the cause of a reinvigorated international society - taking over the mantle now abandoned by the US.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a series of important cases, beginning with Baker v. Carr in 1962, the U.S. Supreme Court established a criterion of strict equality of state legislative and congressional districts, and every state in the country reshaped its legislative districts to comply with the Court's rulings as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Court-ordered redistricting in the 1960s radically altered representation in the United States. Through a series of important cases, beginning with Baker v. Carr in 1962, the U.S. Supreme Court established a criterion of strict equality of state legislative and U.S. House district populations. Prior to judicial intervention, unequal representation was the norm in U.S. legislatures, and in some states districts had extremely unequal populations. In 1960, the state legislative districts in only two states, New Hampshire and Wisconsin, approximated the one-person, onevote standard in both chambers (David and Eisenberg 1961). At the other extreme was the California state senate, with the smallest counties having 400 times as much representation as Los Angeles, the largest county in the state. Less than a decade after Baker v. Carr, every state in the country reshaped its legislative districts to comply with the Court’s rulings. Baker revolutionized representation and, we argue, fundamentally transformed the politics of public finance in the American states. Legal and legislative battles ended unequal representation in the state legislatures and the U.S. House by the close of the 1960s. We examine how political representation affected the distribution of state funds to counties in the United States from the 1950s through the 1980s. Our interest in the consequences of Baker v. Carr derives from three broad problems for contemporary democracy. First, there is a persistent and nagging question for political scientists: Does representation matter? Do people benefit materially from having formal legislative representation? Some economists argue that

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gavafy as discussed by the authors argues that migration is at the focal point of the interrelated dynamics of identity, borders, and orders, and that migration poses a serious challenge to the long-standing paradigms of certainty and order.
Abstract: What shall we become now without the barbarians? Those people were a solution, weren't they? C. Gavafy, "Waiting for the Barbarians" The last decades of the twentieth century were marked by a dramatic change led by the development of globalization, the enhancement of transnational flows, and the end of bipolarity. The construction of the European Union, the emergence of new economic agreements such as NAFTA, the deterritorialization of markets, physical borders, and identities, the increase of migration flows, the construction of the Schengen area, (1) and the fragmentation of major states (e.g., the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia) have raised questions about many old assumptions, including those made about Westphalian state sovereignty and identity. These phenomena significantly affected the forms and the meanings of borders, individual and collective identities, and the sense and nature of state sovereignty and authority. In the meantime, these changes have recast the domestic order, challenged traditional structures, modified social arrangements, transformed the forces of integration and fragmentation, and accelerated the dynamics of inclu sion and exclusion. In consequence, Western societies are witnessing the emergence of many existential and conceptual anxieties and fears about their identity, security, and well-being. As Martin Heisler asserts, (2) migration is at the focal point of the interrelated dynamics of identity, borders, and orders. By its transnational character, its dynamic, and its impact on people and institutions at all levels, migration is perceived as posing a serious challenge to the long-standing paradigms of certainty and order. One of the prominent features of Western societies in the post-bipolar era has been therefore the production of a discourse of fear and proliferation of dangers with reference to the scenarios of chaos, disorder, and clash of civilizations. It is easily noticeable in the public sphere that the fear is mainly about the different, the alien, the undocumented migrant, the refugee, the Muslim, the "non-European," the "Hispanic." These different expressions converge on the figure of the migrant, which appears as the anchoring point of securitarian policies and fierce public debates that gained momentum in the 1990s. Because of the widespread publicization of preventive and repressive immigration policies, a politics of fear was generally considered as being developed specifically in the European context and not in the United States, which was presented as being more tolerant and open to migration. But the production of similar discourses and the adoption of securitarian policies in the United States as well, made it difficult to argue the singularity of Europe. Indeed, although with differences in social and economic contexts as well as in immigration and integration policies, both the EU countries and the United States have been marked, since the 1980s, by a reversal of the image of migrants and asylum seekers in the public space. In both cases, migrants, who were welcomed after World War II as a useful labor force, are now presented in political discourses as criminals, troublemakers, economic and social defrauders, terrorists, drug traffickers, unassimilable persons, and so forth. They are demonized as being increasi ngly associated with organized crime. They are accused of taking jobs away from nationals, taking advantage of social services, and harming the identity of host countries. Introduced in public debates as a political hot-button topic, migration is thus transformed into a threat not only to the state but also to the security and the identity of the host society. What is important to stress here is that through such a presentation, the migration issue, which was not at the origin inherently securitarian, became one involving new actors and leading to stricter public policies and to new surveillance and control devices. …

Book
01 Apr 2002
TL;DR: The nature of violent conflict in the world has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression as discussed by the authors, and one of the most dramatic changes has been the trend away from traditional interstate conflict (that is, a war between sovereign states) and towards intra-state conflict, one which takes place between factions within an existing state.
Abstract: The nature of violent conflict in the world has changed in recent decades, both in its actual subject-matter and in the form of its expression. One of the most dramatic changes has been the trend away from traditional inter-state conflict (that is, a war between sovereign states) and towards intra-state conflict (that is, one which takes place between factions within an existing state). Whereas most violent conflicts over the course of the twentieth century have been between states, in the 1990s almost all major conflicts around the world have taken place within states. Between 1989 and 1996, for example, 95 of the 101 armed conflicts identified around the world were such internal disputes. Most of these conflicts were propelled, at least in part, by quests for self-determination or adequate recognition of communal identity rather than by ideology or the conquest of territory. This represents a major shift in the manifestation of human conflict, especially compared to the world wars and major inter-state conflicts fought over the course of this century.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors suggest that globalization places limits on state autonomy and national sovereignty, affecting education in various ways, expressed in tensions between global and local dynamics in virtually every policy domain.
Abstract: This article suggests that globalization places limits on state autonomy and national sovereignty, affecting education in various ways. Those limits are expressed in tensions between global and local dynamics in virtually every policy domain. Globalization not only blurs national boundaries but also shifts solidarities within and outside the national state. Globalization cannot be defined exclusively by the post-Fordist organization of production; therefore, issues of human rights will play a major role affecting civic minimums at the state level, the performance of capital and labor in various domains, and particularly the dynamics of citizenship and democracy in the modern state. However, educational policy and its contributions to citizenship, democracy, and multiculturalism will face unprecedented challenges if the logic of fear, exacerbated by the events of September 11, prevails.

Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: Coicaud examines the connections between morality and politics, how rulers acquire or lose the right to govern, and how one can become the advocate of a theory of political justice that, while establishing limits, respects and even ensures the promotion of plurality within societies as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The increase in cases of political corruption, the loss of politicians' credibility, the development of social and political forms of pathology (notably the rise of the extreme right along with exclusionist ideologies), and the role of the State have been at the center of political debates. In one way or another, these problems raise the question of the legitimacy of the established powers. The result is that legitimacy, a key notion of political thought in general, has today become a burning issue. Coicaud examines all these issues and proffers insightful answers to questions such as the connections between morality and politics, how rulers acquire or lose the right to govern, and how one can become the advocate of a theory of political justice that, while establishing limits, respects and even ensures the promotion of plurality within societies.

Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: The role of the state and the non-government organizations in the development process and in fostering democratic principles is discussed in this article, which is a critique of the grassroots development in India over the past few decades.
Abstract: This book deals with the current debates in South Aisa on the role of the state and the non-government organizations in the development process and in fostering democratic principles It is a critique of the grassroots development in India over the past few decades

Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: The authors traces the international trail of modern environmentalism from India, under Lord Dalhousie's forest charter, to the British colonies in Africa and Australasia where it matured, and finally to Canada, the United States and other parts of the globe where environmentalism permanently entered the pantheon of democratic political creeds.
Abstract: When and where did the environmental movement begin? To understand how a public endued with the principles of laissez-faire reversed in such short order a century-old policy of government land disposal, this paper examines how public ownership of land came to be celebrated, with a newly defined professional corps of government foresters such as Dietrich Brandis and Gifford Pinchot feted as popular heroes. Hard-headed environmentalists and legislators found in empire forestry a ready-made model to construct vast areas of the public domain as a utensil for not only environmental but state purposes—industrial, settlement, and budgetary. The empire forestry matrix of government reservations, fire protection, and revenue-enhancing forests solved the tension between romantic preservationist notions and laissez-faire ideals and gave the compromise from which modern environmentalism emerged: it posed environmental problems and solutions as a means to construct the state. This article traces the international trail of modern environmentalism from India, under Lord Dalhousie's forest charter, to the British colonies in Africa and Australasia where it matured, and finally to Canada, the United States and other parts of the globe where environmentalism permanently entered the pantheon of democratic political creeds.

Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on emerging foreign policies that govern media in a world where war has information as well as military fronts, and they draw on an international array of examples of regulation of media for political ends, including self-regulation, media regulation in conflict zones, the control of harmful and illegal content, and the use of foreign aid to alter media in target societies.
Abstract: Media have been central to government efforts to reinforce sovereignty and define national identity, but globalization is fundamentally altering media practices, institutions, and content. More than the activities of large conglomerates, globalization entails competition among states as well as private entities to dominate the world's consciousness. Changes in formal and informal rules, in addition to technological innovation, affect the growth and survival or decline of governments. In Media and Sovereignty, Monroe Price focuses on emerging foreign policies that govern media in a world where war has information as well as military fronts. Price asks how the state, in the face of institutional and technological change, controls the forms of information reaching its citizens. He also provides a framework for analyzing the techniques used by states to influence populations in other states. Price draws on an international array of examples of regulation of media for political ends, including "self-regulation," media regulation in conflict zones, the control of harmful and illegal content, and the use of foreign aid to alter media in target societies.

01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: Constitution-making has become an international and comparative exercise in a way that it rarely was in the century before 1989 as discussed by the authors, where the involvement of experts and practitioners across state boundaries has been welcomed, indeed encouraged, to the point at which a new democracy that excluded foreigners entirely from its constitutional process might stamp itself as decidedly insular, even somewhat suspect.
Abstract: Constitution-making has become an international and comparative exercise in a way that it rarely was in the century before 1989. International' in the sense, that the involvement of experts and practitioners across state boundaries has been welcomed, indeed encouraged, to the point at which a new democracy that excluded foreigners entirely from its constitutional process might stamp itself as decidedly insular, even somewhat suspect. 'Comparative' in the sense that there have been attempts to learn from the experience of states and societies that are similarly situated. In 1978, during the extended session of an elected Nigerian Constituent Assembly that reviewed and rewrote the product of an expert Constitution Drafting Committee, there was great demand for information about .the United States constitution (see Horowitz 1979). The US embassy was only too happy to supply copies of the Federalist Papers, for which there was then a great thirst. But Nigerian comparative curiosity did not extend much beyond the United States. .The situation is changed now. The experience of what are seen as the world's most successful democracies is still sought, but so, to some extent, is the experience of states that have faced what are viewed as comparable problems. If the answers remain elusive, the questions have become far more sophisticated. I do not want to exaggerate the increase in the diffusion of constitutional innovation across international boundaries. This is, after all, a process that began more than two centuries ago. The framers of the United States constitution were, of course, students of ancient republics. In the nineteenth century, Latin American states were

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the myriad strategies that the region's urban grass-roots pursue to defend their rights and improve their lives in this neo-liberal age, and discusses the role of social activism and its relationship to social development in the Middle East.
Abstract: This article is about social activism and its relationship to social development in the Middle East. It examines the myriad strategies that the region's urban grass-roots pursue to defend their rights and improve their lives in this neo-liberal age. Prior to the advent of the political–economic restructuring of the 1980s, most Middle Eastern countries were largely dominated by either nationalist-populist regimes (such as Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Turkey) or pro-Western rentier states (Iran, Arab Gulf states). Financed by oil or remittances, these largely authoritarian states pursued state-led development strategies, attaining remarkable (21% average annual) growth rates.1 Income from oil offered the rentier states the possibility of providing social services to many of their citizens, and the ideologically driven populist states dispensed significant benefits in education, health, employment, housing, and the like.2 For these post-colonial regimes, such provision of social welfare was necessary to build popularity among the peasants, workers, and middle strata at a time that these states were struggling against both the colonial powers and old internal ruling classes. The state acted as the moving force of economic and social development on behalf of the populace.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of legitimacy in the legitimacy of the United Nations Security Council has been investigated in the context of International Organization (IO) studies as discussed by the authors, where the focus is on the actual practices and the power of symbols around the Security Council.
Abstract: The Charter of the United Nations gives the Security Council enormous formal powers, but it. does not give it direct control of the tools with which to enact those powers. As many have noted, much of the power of the Council is contingent on the voluntary coop eration of states, measured in variables such as the contribution to peacekeeping missions and the national enforcement of sanctions re gimes.1 It is often also noted that this voluntary compliance depends also on states' perceptions of the legitimacy of the Council and its ac tions.2 However, the central role that legitimacy plays in supporting the power of the Council is rarely investigated. After Inis Claude's state ment of the matter in 1966, the issue has not been revisited.3 The contingent nature of Council authority means its effect in the international system is both broader and narrower than the formal pow ers of the UN Charter?narrower because the Cold War stunted the de velopment of the four-policemen idea, but broader because the high so cial status of the Council signals a deep pool of "social capital" that it can draw on to induce compliance by states. This article expands the traditional emphasis of international organization (IO) studies from the black letter of treaties and charters to a perspective that takes into ac count actual practices and the power of symbols around the Security Council. Taking seriously the symbolic power of the Council helps us to see the reasons behind certain otherwise inexplicable phenomena in in ternational relations (IR) and allows us to ask questions regarding the legitimacy of the Council that were previously hidden from view. Most political conflicts have symbolic payoffs at their root, which a concern only with studying material gains will inevitably misunderstand. This is an important problem with respect to the Security Council because so much of what makes the Council a significant actor in international pol itics is a result of the informal development of its role in international society. This is both a cause and a consequence of the distribution of material rewards and costs. We miss much that is interesting in social 35