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Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 2019"


Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2019
TL;DR: The distinction between political and non-political spheres of social life is becoming blurred as mentioned in this paper and the delineation between "political" and "private" concerns and modes of action are becoming blurred.
Abstract: Political sociologists and political scientists who analyze Western European politics have made it a commonplace since the 1970s to emphasize the fusion of political and nonpolitical spheres of social life. They have seriously questioned the usefulness of the conventional dichotomy of “state” and “civil society.” Processes of fusion are evident not only on the level of global sociopolitical arrangements, but also among citizens as elementary political actors. The delineation between “political” and “private” (in other words, moral or economic concerns and modes of action) is becoming blurred.

706 citations


BookDOI
31 Dec 2019
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of peasant-state relations and village politics as they have evolved in response to the state's attempts to control the division of the harvest and extract the state-defined surplus is presented.
Abstract: This is a study of peasant-state relations and village politics as they have evolved in response to the state's attempts to control the division of the harvest and extract the state-defined surplus. To provide the reader with a clearer sense of the evolution of peasant-state relations over almost a forty-year period and to highlight the dramatic changes that have taken place since 1978,1 have divided my analysis into two parts: Chapters 2 through 7 are on Maoist China, and chapters 8 and 9 are on post-Mao China. The first part examines the state's grain policies and patterns of local politics that emerged during the highly collectivized Maoist period, when the state closed free grain markets and established the system of unified purchase and sales (tonggou tongxiao). The second part describes the new methods for the production and division of the harvest after 1978, when the government decollectivized agriculture and abolished its unified procurement program.

240 citations


Book
26 Sep 2019
TL;DR: In this article, Adam Przeworski presents a panorama of the political situation throughout the world of established democracies, places it in the context of past misadventures of democratic regimes, and speculates on the prospects.
Abstract: Is democracy in crisis? The current threats to democracy are not just political: they are deeply embedded in the democracies of today, in current economic, social, and cultural conditions. In Crises of Democracy, Adam Przeworski presents a panorama of the political situation throughout the world of established democracies, places it in the context of past misadventures of democratic regimes, and speculates on the prospects. Our present state of knowledge does not support facile conclusions. 'We should not believe the flood of writings that have all the answers'. Avoiding technical aspects, this book is addressed not only to professional social scientists, but to everyone concerned about the prospects of democracy.

122 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The influence of the state on firms in the global economy is alive and well as mentioned in this paper and states have become dominant owners of companies in many countries around the world, and firms have also increasingly become increasingly establi...

109 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the foreign policy responses of three major host states, namely Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, to the Syrian refugee crisis, and concluded that the choice of strategy depended on the size of the host state's refugee community and domestic elites' perception of their geostrategic importance vis-a-vis the target.
Abstract: How does forced migration affect the politics of host states and, in particular, how does it impact states’ foreign policy decision-making? The relevant literature on refugee politics has yet to fully explore how forced migration affects host states’ behavior. One possibility is that they will employ their position in order to extract revenue from other state or nonstate actors for maintaining refugee groups within their borders. This article explores the workings of these refugee rentier states, namely states seeking to leverage their position as host states of displaced communities for material gain. It focuses on the Syrian refugee crisis, examining the foreign policy responses of three major host states—Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. While all three engaged in post-2011 refugee rent-seeking behavior, Jordan and Lebanon deployed a back-scratching strategy based on bargains, while Turkey deployed a blackmailing strategy based on threats. Drawing upon primary sources in English and Arabic, the article inductively examines the choice of strategy and argues that it depended on the size of the host state's refugee community and domestic elites’ perception of their geostrategic importance vis-a-vis the target. The article concludes with a discussion of these findings’ significance for understanding the international dimension of the Syrian refugee crisis and argues that they also pave the way for future research on the effects of forced displacement on host states’ political development.

93 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concept of "migration diplomacy" was introduced by as mentioned in this paper as an object of analysis for academics and practitioners alike, distinguishing it from other forms of migration-related policies and practices.
Abstract: Academic and policy debates on migration and refugee ‘crises’ across the world have yet to fully engage with the importance of cross-border population mobility for states’ diplomatic strategies. This article sets forth the concept of ‘migration diplomacy’ as an object of analysis for academics and practitioners alike, distinguishing it from other forms of migration-related policies and practices. It draws on realist approaches in International Relations to identify how the interests and power of state actors are affected by their position in migration systems, namely the extent to which they are migration-sending, migration-receiving, or transit states. The article then discusses how migration issues connect with other areas of state interest and diplomacy, including security interests, economic interests and issues of identity, soft power and public diplomacy. Finally, the article suggests the utility of applying a rationalist framework based on states' interests in absolute vs. relative gains as a means of examining the bargaining strategies used by states in instances of migration diplomacy.

82 citations


Book
29 Jul 2019
TL;DR: Samuels as mentioned in this paper provides an accessible, lucid and stimulating account of the hidden psychology of politics and the hidden politics of the psyche and offers trenchant and timely critiques of the crisis in contemporary politics.
Abstract: This is an accessible, lucid and stimulating account of the hidden psychology of politics and the hidden politics of the psyche. It is packed with original and imaginative ideas on economics, nationalism, “good-enough” leadership, the citizen and the state, women and men, fatherhood, and the citizen as a “therapist of the world”. Samuels offers trenchant and timely critiques of the crisis in contemporary politics. The book will be important for politicians, people in management studies and the media, members of the therapy world, and all political activists. © 2001 Andrew Samuels. All rights reserved.

79 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that many scholars and policymakers in the United States accept the narrative that China is a revisionist state challenging the U.S.-dominated international liberal order. But they do not consider that the narrative assumes that the...
Abstract: Many scholars and policymakers in the United States accept the narrative that China is a revisionist state challenging the U.S.-dominated international liberal order. The narrative assumes that the...

77 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ziya Öniş1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors considered the broad economic and political shifts in Turkey in the AKP's post-2011 phase and developed a reactive state model to understand Turkey's political economic transitions.
Abstract: The paper considers the broad economic and political shifts in Turkey in the AKP’s post-2011 phase. The ‘reactive state’ model developed to understand Turkey’s political economic transitions is rel...

73 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the political elites in a relatively weak and small state such as Malaysia are a threat to China's financial might, and argued that weak states getting overwhelmed by China’s financial might are a source of instability.
Abstract: Disputing research that depicts weak states getting overwhelmed by China’s financial might, this article argues that the political elites in a relatively weak and small state such as Malaysia are a...


Book
24 Sep 2019
TL;DR: Acemoglu and Robinson as mentioned in this paper provide a powerful new framework for looking at countries' development through the way that the state interacts with society, in which any country can be located on a simple diagram and its future predicted.
Abstract: 'A must-read. Acemoglu and Robinson are intellectual heavyweights of the first rank . . . erudite and fascinating' Paul Collier, Guardian, on Why Nations Fail In this profoundly important follow up to their global bestseller, Acemoglu and Robinson provide a powerful new framework for looking at countries' development through the way that the state interacts with society. This conceptualisation - in which any country can be located on a simple diagram and its future predicted - is new and based on decades of their research. The power distribution between state and society affects how peaceful societies are, what types of institutions develop, how much oppression and fear people suffer, how their economies are organized, and how rich they are. Full of entertaining stories from the past (it starts with the wife of a Nigerian ruler fleeing Abuja with 38 suitcases of cash), Balance of Power sheds light on issues from the present and has practical political ideas for the future. 'An intellectually rich book that develops an important thesis with verve' Martin Wolf, Financial Times, on Why Nations Fail

Journal ArticleDOI
Rosa Burc1
TL;DR: The societal project proposed by the Halklarin Demokratik Partisi (Peoples’ Democratic Party, HDP) is an attempt at circumventing authoritarian statism in Turkey by participating in representa...
Abstract: The societal project proposed by the Halklarin Demokratik Partisi (Peoples’ Democratic Party, HDP), is an attempt at circumventing authoritarian statism in Turkey by (1) participating in representa...

Book
28 Nov 2019
TL;DR: Schroder as discussed by the authors explores the concept of trust across different and sometimes antagonistic genres of international political thought during the seventeenth century and concludes that trust can be seen as one of the foundational concepts in the theorising of interstate relations in this decisive period.
Abstract: Can there ever be trust between states? This study explores the concept of trust across different and sometimes antagonistic genres of international political thought during the seventeenth century. The natural law and reason of state traditions worked on different assumptions, but they mutually influenced each other. How have these traditions influenced the different concepts and discussions of trust-building? Bringing together international political thought and international law, Schroder analyses to what extent trust can be seen as one of the foundational concepts in the theorising of interstate relations in this decisive period. Despite the ongoing search for conditions of trust between states, we are still faced with the same structural problems. This study is therefore of interest not only to specialists and students of the early modern period, but also to everyone thinking about ways of overcoming conflicts which are aggravated by a lack of mutual trust. / The text in this record is Chapter 4.3 (pp. 176-198), "The Abbe De Saint-Pierre's (1658–1743) Project for Peace and his Challenge to Early Modern Statecraft".

Posted Content
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that economic migrants of a certain kind have compelling claims to national admission and inclusion in countries that today unethically insist on a right to exclude these migrants.
Abstract: International migration is a defining problem of our time, and central to this problem are the ethical intuitions that dominate thinking on migration and its governance. This Article challenges existing approaches to one particularly contentious form of international migration, as an important first step towards a novel and more ethical way of approaching problems of the movement of people across national borders. The prevailing doctrine of state sovereignty under international law today is that it entails the right to exclude non-nationals, with only limited exceptions. Whatever the scope of these exceptions, so-called economic migrants—those whose movement is motivated primarily by a desire for a better life—are beyond them. Whereas international refugee law and international human rights law impose restrictions on states’ right to exclude non-nationals whose lives are endangered by the risk of certain forms of persecution in their countries of origin, no similar protections exist for economic migrants. International legal theorists have not fundamentally challenged this formulation of state sovereignty, which justifies the largely unfettered right to exclude economic migrants. This Article looks to the history and legacy of the European colonial project to challenge this status quo. It argues for a different theory of sovereignty that makes clear why, in fact, economic migrants of a certain kind have compelling claims to national admission and inclusion in countries that today unethically insist on a right to exclude these migrants. The European colonial project involved the out-migration of at least 62 million Europeans to colonies across the world between the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century alone. It also involved movement in the reverse direction of human and natural resources, overwhelmingly for the benefit of Europe and Europeans. This Article details how global interconnection and political subordination initiated over the course of this history generates a theory of sovereignty that obligates former colonial powers to open their borders to former colonial subjects. Insofar as certain forms of international migration today are responsive to political subordination rooted in colonial and neocolonial structures, a different conceptualization of such migration is necessary, one that engages economic migrants as political agents exercising equality rights when they engage in “de-colonial” migration.

Book
01 Mar 2019
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore how Hindutva ideology has permeated the state apparatus and formal institutions, and how Hindus exert control over civil society via vigilante groups, cultural policing and violence, and conclude that groups and regions portrayed as enemies of the Indian state are the losers in a new order promoting the interests of the urban middle class and business elites.
Abstract: "Majoritarian State" traces the ascendance of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP administration has established an ethno-religious and populist style of rule since 2014. Its agenda is also pursued beyond the formal branches of government, as the new dispensation portrays conventional social hierarchies as intrinsic to Indian culture while condoning communal and caste- and gender-based violence. The contributors explore how Hindutva ideology has permeated the state apparatus and formal institutions, and how Hindutva activists exert control over civil society via vigilante groups, cultural policing and violence. Groups and regions portrayed as ‘enemies’ of the Indian state are the losers in a new order promoting the interests of the urban middle class and business elites. As this majoritarian ideology pervades the media and public discourse, it also affects the judiciary, universities and cultural institutions, increasingly captured by Hindu nationalists. Dissent and difference silenced and debate increasingly sidelined as the press is muzzled or intimidated in the courts. Internationally, the BJP government has emphasised hard power and a fast expanding security state. This collection of essays offers rich empirical analysis and documentation to investigate the causes and consequences of the illiberal turn taken by the world’s largest democracy. (Publisher's abstract)

Dissertation
01 Jun 2019
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the means by which the smaller armies of Germany, including Saxons, Württembergers, and Saxon states, were controlled by the Kaiser and the Prussian General Staff.
Abstract: From its creation during the Wars of Unification (1864-71) until its defeat at the end of the First World War, the German army remained a federal institution. To be sure, the imperial constitution recognized the Kaiser as commander-in-chief of Germany’s land forces. Under the Kaiser’s direction, the Prussian war ministry prepared the military budget and the Prussian General Staff drafted operational plans for future wars. A patchwork of military agreements nevertheless limited the authority of the Kaiser and Prussia’s military leaders over nearly onequarter of the German army. According to these agreements, separate war ministries, cadet schools, and general staffs oversaw the arming, clothing, feeding, housing, and training of Bavarians, Saxons, and Württembergers, while the monarchs of Germany’s three smaller kingdoms determined personnel appointments, the deployment of units, and even the design of insignia and uniforms. The army’s contingent-based structure ensured that Prussians and non-Prussians served alongside, but only rarely with, one another after 1871. Based on research in archives and libraries in Germany, Austria, England, and the United States, this dissertation explores the means by which the smaller armies of Bavaria,

Book
05 Dec 2019
TL;DR: Mattingly et al. as discussed by the authors argue that China's remarkable state capacity is not simply a product of coercive institutions such as the secret police or the military, but instead, the state uses local civil society groups as hidden but effective tools of informal control to suppress dissent and implement far-reaching policies.
Abstract: When and why do people obey political authority when it runs against their own interests to do so? This book is about the channels beyond direct repression through which China's authoritarian state controls protest and implements ambitious policies from sweeping urbanization schemes that have displaced millions to family planning initiatives like the one-child policy. Daniel C. Mattingly argues that China's remarkable state capacity is not simply a product of coercive institutions such as the secret police or the military. Instead, the state uses local civil society groups as hidden but effective tools of informal control to suppress dissent and implement far-reaching policies. Drawing on evidence from qualitative case studies, experiments, and national surveys, the book challenges the conventional wisdom that a robust civil society strengthens political responsiveness. Surprisingly, it is communities that lack strong civil society groups that find it easiest to act collectively and spontaneously resist the state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article revisited the Weberian presumption of the state's monopoly on legitimate violence and conducted interviews with police chiefs in Arizona, Michigan, and New Mexico to investigate the role of race in police violence.
Abstract: Focusing on police chiefs in three states, this study revisits the Weberian presumption of the state’s monopoly on legitimate violence. Seventy-nine interviews with police chiefs in Arizona, Michig...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explored results from a cross-case analysis of six social movements that are using education as a strategy to advance food sovereignty, and they conducted participatory research with diverse rural and urban social movements in the United States, Brazil, Cuba, Bolivia, and Mexico.
Abstract: Social movements are using education to generate critical consciousness regarding the social and environmental unsustainability of the current food system, and advocate for agroecological production. In this article, we explore results from a cross-case analysis of six social movements that are using education as a strategy to advance food sovereignty. We conducted participatory research with diverse rural and urban social movements in the United States, Brazil, Cuba, Bolivia, and Mexico, which are each educating for food sovereignty. We synthesize insights from critical food systems education and the political ecology of education in analyzing these cases. We compare the thematic similarities and difference between these movements’ education initiatives in terms of their emergence, initial goals, expansion and institutionalization, relationship to the state, theoretical inspirations, pedagogical approach, educational topics, approach to student research, and outcomes. Among these thematic areas, we find that student-centered research on competing forms of production is an integral way to advance critical consciousness about the food system and the political potential of agroecological alternatives. However, what counts, as success in these programs, is highly case-dependent. For engaged scholars committed to advancing education for food sovereignty, it is essential to reflect upon the lessons learned and challenges faced by these movements.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Mar 2019-Geoforum
TL;DR: The authors analyzes forms of power and counter-power in the Quimsacocha paramo mining conflict, through the four different, inter-related "arts of government" (Foucault, 2008) and mutual strategies by promoters and detractors of extractive industry who, in apparent paradox, both appeal to Nature's Rights.


Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the impacts of four main aspects of the Civil Rights Act: public education and employment opportunities directly included in its language, and the related benefits of housing and income opportunities.
Abstract: The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is comprehensive federal anti-discrimination legislation that applies based on race, color, religion, and national origin. This article focuses on the impacts of four main aspects of the Civil Rights Act: public education and employment opportunities directly included in its language, and the related benefits of housing and income opportunities. The article assesses the current state in these four areas in the United States, and evaluates what still needs to be done to achieve the goals of the Civil Rights Act.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the last several elections, there has been a substantial diversification of political candidates both at the national and state level, particularly in the Democratic Party as discussed by the authors. This includes record...
Abstract: In the last several elections, there has been a substantial diversification of political candidates both at the national and state level, particularly in the Democratic Party. This includes record ...

Dissertation
29 May 2019
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the meaning and interpretation of non-recognition by elites in de facto states as well as decision-makers in the patron state and other significant engagers.
Abstract: This research looks at how Abkhazia’s political elites and foreign policy decision-makers in Russia, the EU, and the US, which engage with Abkhazia, interpret non-recognition and how this interpretation influences the formulation and implementation of their respective foreign policy objectives and strategies. Although there is an emerging literature on engagement this has tended to analyse it as a one-way interaction, while this research represents the first multi-sided account of foreign policy interaction of a de facto state. It focuses on a single case study of Abkhazia between October 1999 and November 2014. Non-recognition has largely been taken a priori as a negative constraining factor. The great majority of scholarship on de facto states takes non-recognition for granted and views it in substantive rather than in relational terms. Focusing on meaning and interpretation of non-recognition by elites in de facto states as well as decision-makers in the patron state and other significant engagers, allows for a better understanding of the interactions between de facto states and other actors in the international community. The research proceeds from a constructivist theoretical framework, claiming that non-recognition is ultimately what states (including de facto states) make of it. To capture both domestic and external dimensions, the concepts of ontological security and geopolitical role, respectively, are introduced. Methodologically, the data was gathered through process tracing and semi-structured elite interviews with policy elites and decision makers in Sukhum/i, Tbilisi, Brussels, Moscow, and Washington D.C. The main finding of this research is that the internal situation in the de facto state and wider geopolitical considerations influence interpretations of non-recognition (by both recognised actors as well as the de facto state itself), which in turn shape interaction between de facto states and other actors.

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: A decade-long battle over creating a civil right to be free from "gender-motivated violence" as defined by the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is described in this article, where an interpretative socio-legal analysis of civil rights policymaking in a political time when judicial conservatism re-emerges and competes for control over the administrative state, from the bench as well as off the bench.
Abstract: The paper focuses on a decade-long battle (1990–2000) involving feminist lawyers/activists, members of Congress, and the federal courts over creating a civil right to be free from “gender-motivated violence,” as defined by the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). It offers an interpretative sociolegal analysis of civil rights policymaking in a political time when judicial conservatism re-emerges (late twentieth century) and effectively competes for control over the administrative state, from the bench as well as off the bench. In this political time, judicial conservatives mobilize “judicial administration” norms for the purpose of expanding the judiciary’s institutional role in shaping civil rights legislation. Conservative judges and Justices frame/reinterpret “gender-motivated violence” through a series of administrative justifications (e.g., caseload crisis, originalism). Rather than “weakening” the New Deal - Great Society administrative state, as much of the “judicial backlash” literature suggests, I argue that judicial administration resources, as deployed by the judicial branch, leveraged a historic challenge to the entrenched “comprehensive rational policymaking” regime that had structured much of U.S. civil rights policy through the 1960s and 1970s.

Journal ArticleDOI
Mark Tilzey1
TL;DR: The new economic flows ushered in across the South by the rise of China in particular have permitted some to circumvent the imperial debt trap, notably the ‘pink tide’ states of Latin America as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The new economic flows ushered in across the South by the rise of China in particular have permitted some to circumvent the imperial debt trap, notably the ‘pink tide’ states of Latin America. These states, exploiting this window of opportunity, have sought to revisit developmentalism by means of ‘neo-extractivism’. The populist, but now increasingly authoritarian, regimes in Bolivia and Ecuador are exemplars of this trend and have swept to power on the back of anti-neoliberal sentiment. These populist regimes in Bolivia and Ecuador articulate a sub-hegemonic discourse of national developmentalism, whilst forging alliances with counter-hegemonic groups, united by a rhetoric of anti-imperialism, indigenous revival, and livelihood principles such as buen vivir. But this rhetorical ‘master frame’ hides the class divisions and real motivations underlying populism: that of favouring neo-extractivism, principally via sub-imperial capital, to fund the ‘compensatory state’, supporting small scale commerci...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the political and economic consequences of contention (i.e., genocide, civil war, state repression/human rights violation, terrorism, and protest) are discussed.
Abstract: What are the political and economic consequences of contention (i.e., genocide, civil war, state repression/human rights violation, terrorism, and protest)? Despite a significant amount of interest...

Book
Kristin Fabbe1
28 Mar 2019
TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace how state-builders engaged religious institutions, elites, and attachments, and problematize the divergent religion-state power configurations that have developed, concluding that both state policies that seek to facilitate equality through the recognition of religious difference and state policies which seek to eradicate such difference have contributed to failures of liberal democratic consolidation.
Abstract: As the Ottoman Empire crumbled, the Middle East and Balkans became the site of contestation and cooperation between the traditional forces of religion and the emergent machine of the sovereign state. Yet such strategic interaction rarely yielded a decisive victory for either the secular state or for religion. By tracing how state-builders engaged religious institutions, elites, and attachments, this book problematizes the divergent religion-state power configurations that have developed. There are two central arguments. First, states carved out more sovereign space in places like Greece and Turkey, where religious elites were integral to early centralizing reform processes. Second, region-wide structural constraints on the types of linkages that states were able to build with religion have generated long-term repercussions. Fatefully, both state policies that seek to facilitate equality through the recognition of religious difference and state policies that seek to eradicate such difference have contributed to failures of liberal democratic consolidation.