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Showing papers on "Torture published in 2008"


Book
05 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Razack as mentioned in this paper argues that three stereotypical figures have come to represent the 'war on terror' -the dangerous Muslim man, the impotent Muslim woman and the "civilized" European -and argues that this myth is promoted to justify the expulsion of Muslims from the political community.
Abstract: Three stereotypical figures have come to represent the 'war on terror' - the 'dangerous' Muslim man, the 'imperilled' Muslim woman, and the 'civilized' European. Casting Out explores the use of these characterizations in the creation of the myth of the family of democratic Western nations obliged to use political, military, and legal force to defend itself against a menacing third world population. It argues that this myth is promoted to justify the expulsion of Muslims from the political community, a process that takes the form of stigmatization, surveillance, incarceration, torture, and bombing. In this timely and controversial work, Sherene H. Razack looks at contemporary legal and social responses to Muslims in the West and places them in historical context. She explains how 'race thinking,' a structure of thought that divides up the world between the deserving and undeserving according to racial descent, accustoms us to the idea that the suspension of rights for racialized groups is warranted in the interests of national security. She discusses many examples of the institution and implementation of exclusionary and coercive practices, including the mistreatment of security detainees, the regulation of Muslim populations in the name of protecting Muslim women, and prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib. She explores how the denial of a common bond between European people and those of different origins has given rise to the proliferation of literal and figurative 'camps,' places or bodies where liberties are suspended and the rule of law does not apply. Combining rich theoretical perspectives and extensive research, Casting Out makes a major contribution to contemporary debates on race and the 'war on terror' and their implications in areas such as law, politics, cultural studies, feminist and gender studies, and race relations.

507 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There is good evidence of a dose-response relationship between cumulative war trauma and torture and development and maintenance of PTSD, and some evidence that female gender and older age are risk factors in development of PTSD.

456 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Abouharb et al. as discussed by the authors argue that dictatorships that practice torture are more likely to accede to the UN Convention Against Torture (CAT) than dictatorshiphips that do not practice torture.
Abstract: This article addresses a puzzle: dictatorships that practice torture are more likely to accede to the UN Convention Against Torture (CAT) than dictatorships that do not practice torture. I argue the reason has to do with the logic of torture. Torture is more likely to occur where power is shared. In one-party or no-party dictatorships, few individuals defect against the regime. Consequently, less torture occurs. But dictatorships are protorture regimes; they have little interest in making gestures against torture, such as signing the CAT. There is more torture where power is shared, such as where dictatorships allow multiple political parties. Alternative political points of view are endorsed, but some individuals go too far. More acts of defection against the regime occur, and torture rates are higher. Because political parties exert some power, however, they pressure the regime to make concessions. One small concession is acceding to the CAT.For detailed suggestions, I thank Rodwan Abouharb, Emanuel Adler, Lawrence Broz, Jose Cheibub, David Cingranelli, Jennifer Gandhi, Geoff Garrett, Valerie Frey, Stephan Haggard, Oona Hathaway, Darren Hawkins, Stathis Kalyvas, Judith Kelley, Paul Lagunes, Jeffrey Lewis, Ellen Lust-Okar, Nikolay Marinov, Lisa Martin, Covadonga Meseguer, Layna Mosley, Louis Pauly, Daniel Posner, Kal Raustiala, Dan Reiter, Darius Rejali, Ronald Rogowski, Peter Rosendorff, Mike Tomz, Jana Von Stein, Christine Wotipka, and especially the two anonymous reviewers. I am also grateful for comments from participants at the Kellogg Institute International Political Economy Seminar at Notre Dame; the UCLA International Institute Global Fellows Seminar; the University of Southern California Center for International Studies Workshop; the UCSD Project on International Affairs Seminar; and the Emory University Globalization, Institutions, and Conflict Seminar. For support, I thank the UCLA International Institute, the ETH Zurich, and the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras.

366 citations


Book
19 Feb 2008
TL;DR: An epidemiological approach to forensic investigations of violations to International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law International Law and Forensics An Epidemiological Framework for Trauma Analysis Case Study: Estimating War Crimes from the Wounded to Killed Ratio: The Japanese Embassy, C.C. Snow, J.P. Baraybar, and H.R. Spirer Differential Diagnosis of Skeletal Trauma Reconstructing Skeletal Fractures to Identify Trauma The Anthroposcopic Examination of skeletons Injuries Ruling Out Skeletal Variation and Skeletal Pathology Classification of Fract
Abstract: An Epidemiological Approach to Forensic Investigations of Violations to International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law International Law and Forensics An Epidemiological Framework for Trauma Analysis Case Study: Estimating War Crimes from the Wounded to Killed Ratio: The Japanese Embassy, C.C. Snow, J. P. Baraybar, and H. Spirer Differential Diagnosis of Skeletal Trauma Reconstructing Skeletal Fractures to Identify Trauma The Anthroposcopic Examination of Skeletal Injuries Ruling Out Skeletal Variation and Skeletal Pathology Classification of Fractures and the Mechanisms of Injury The Microscopic Examination of Skeletal Tissue The Timing of Fracture Based on Gross Inspection Diagnosis of Injuries without Evidence of a Defect Radiography and Three-dimensional Imaging The Usefulness of Clothing as Evidence Photography Case Study: Finite Element Models of the Human Head in the Field of Forensic Science, J.S. Raul, B. Ludes, and R. Willinger Blasting Injuries Explosive Ordnance Devices Pathophysiology of Blast Injuries The Context: Fatal Environment and Intent Differential Diagnosis of Fragmented Blast from Gunfire Injuries Case Study: Skeletal and Soft Tissue Injuries Resulting from a Grenade, A.B. Seneviratne Case Study: A Case of Blasting Injury from Colombia, J.M. Pachon Case Study: "Human Bomb" and Body Trauma, A. Samarasekera Blunt Force Trauma The Pathophysiology of Blunt Force Injury Establishing the Number and Sequence of Injuries Cranial v. Post-Cranial Variation Blunt Force Injury Associated with Gunfire Injury Case Study: The Interpretation of Skeletal Trauma Resulting from Injuries Sustained Prior To, and as a Direct Result of Freefall, O. Finegan Case Study: A Khmer Rouge Execution Method: Evidence from Choeung Ek, S.C. Ta'ala, G.E. Berg, and K. Haden Skeletal Evidence of Torture Documented Cases of Torture in Skeletal Remains from Kosovo and Peru Differential Diagnosis of Blunt Force Trauma Resulting from Torture, Accidents, and Non-Accidental Mechanisms Case Study: Torture Sequels to the Skeleton, H.P. Hougen Case Study: Multiple Healed Rib Fractures: Timing of Injuries with Regard to Death, T. Delabarde Case Study: Dating of Fractures in Human Dry Bone Tissue: The Berisha Case, G.J.R. Maat Case Study: Torture and Extra-Judicial Execution in the Peruvian Highlands: Forensic Investigation in a Military Base, J.P. Baraybar, C.R. Cardoza, and V. Parodi Sharp Force Trauma Mechanisms of Sharp Force Wounds on Bone Identifying Sharp Injuries Sharp-Blunt Injury Associated with Chopping Weapons Case Study: Disappearance, Torture and Murder of Nine Individuals in a Community of Nebaj, Guatemala, S.C. Chacon, F. A. Peccerelli, L. Paiz Diez, and C. Rivera Fernandez Case Study: Probable Machete Trauma from the Cambodian Killing Fields, G.E. Berg Gunfire Injuries The Pathophysiology of Gunfire Injury to Bone Estimating the Class of Weapon and Ammunition Differentiating Entry from Exit Defects on Bone Establishing Bullet Trajectory Range of Fire Estimating the Number of Injuries Sequencing Multiple Gunfire Injuries Case Study: Firearm Basics, C.J. Waters Variation in Gunfire Wounds by Skeletal Region The Skull The Thorax The Limbs Case Study: Tyranny and Torture in the Republic of Panama, A.H. Ross and L. Suarez S. Case Study: The Pacific War: A Chilean Soldier Found in Cerro Zig Zag, Peru, E. Tomasto Cagigao, and M. Lund

165 citations


Book
15 Mar 2008
TL;DR: This is the first book in a Western language to explore the history, iconography, and legal contexts of Chinese tortures and executions from the antiquity till their abolition in 1905.
Abstract: This is the first book in a Western language to explore the history, iconography, and legal contexts of Chinese tortures and executions from the antiquity till their abolition in 1905 The book questions the logic by which states justify tormenting individuals and the varied ways by which human beings have exploited the symbolism of bodily degradation for political claims.

130 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The conventional wisdom is that al-Qaida's attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent war on terrorism have made America less liberal as discussed by the authors, which is not true.
Abstract: Why has the United States, with its long-standing Liberal tradition, come to embrace the illiberal policies it has in recent years? The conventional wisdom is that al-Qaida's attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent war on terrorism have made America less Liberal. The logic of this argument is straightforward: interstate war has historically undermined domestic liberties, and the war on terrorism is causing the United States to follow this well-worn path. This explanation confronts a puzzle, however: illiberal U.S. policies—including the pursuit of global hegemony, launching of a preventive war, imposition of restrictions on civil liberties in the name of national security, and support for torture under certain circumstances—manifested themselves even before the September 11 terrorist attacks and were embraced across the political spectrum. Indeed, it is precisely American Liberalism that makes the United States so illiberal today. Under certain circumstances, Liberalism itse...

125 citations



Book
02 Jun 2008
TL;DR: ConvENTION AGAINST TORTURE and other CRUEL, INHUMAN, OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT Part I PART II PART III as mentioned in this paper
Abstract: CONVENTION AGAINST TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN, OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT PART I PART II PART III

104 citations


Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a philosophy for public service based on thinking, reason, and truth, which they call Thinking, Reason, and Truth: Philosophy for Public Service.
Abstract: AcknowledgementsIntroduction PART I: Thinking, Reason, and Truth: Philosophy for Public Service 1. Rethinking Reason after September 11 2. Public Administration and the Question of Torture 3. Thinking, Judging, and Public Life PART II: Two Models of Governance 4. There's No Place Like Homeland: Security in Dark Times 5. The Social Reality of Public Space 6. Governance from Ground Up PART III: Philosophy for Practice 7. Pragmatism in Public Service 8. Public Service Ethics in Dark Times Index

101 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Feb 2008-Africa
TL;DR: Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of Nigeria social and political landscape as mentioned in this paper, and the emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria.
Abstract: Vigilantism has become an endemic feature of the Nigerian social and political landscape. The emergence of night guards and vigilante groups as popular responses to theft and armed robbery has a long and varied history in Nigeria. Since the return to democracy in 1999, however, Nigeria has witnessed a proliferation of vigilantism: vigilante groups have organized at a variety of levels from lineage to ethnic group, in a variety of locations from village ward to city street, and for a variety of reasons from crime fighting to political lobbying. Indeed, vigilantism has captured such a range of local, national and international dynamics that it provides a sharply focused lens for students of Nigeria's political economy and its most intractable issues--the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. In the Yoruba-speaking south-west crime fighting has been led by the O'odua People's Congress (OPC) (Akinyele 2001; Nolte 2004, 2007); in the eastern states by the Bakassi Boys (Baker 2002b; Ukiwo 2002; Harnischfeger 2003; Smith 2004; Meagher 2007); and across the north by shari'a implementation committees or hisba (Last 2004; Casey 2007). Beyond fighting crime, these groups spearhead contemporary political contests between the politics of identity and citizenship, and represent divergent aspirations for Nigeria's future including a pro-shari'a movement in the north and ethnic nationalism in the west. Ongoing claims of extra-judicial executions and torture, combined with evidence that vigilante groups were involved in ethnic and religious clashes in 2000 and 2001, have brought censure from the international human rights community (Human Rights Watch 2002, 2003, 2004; Amnesty International 2002), attempts at prohibition by the federal government, and ongoing contests with local authorities over the right to judge and punish crimes. In short, these vigilantes have assumed a status synonymous with the fractured and violence-ridden image of Africa's most populous nation. A comprehensive history of vigilantism and policing in Nigeria is beyond the scope of this issue and in its localized plurality would prove elusive. However, it is evident that groups of young men or hunters based on lineage, compounds and urban wards were common precolonial bodies organized for the protection of person and property. Almost all types of jurisdictional authority operating beyond the sanction of the state were criminalized up to the Second World War. But by the 1940s a piecemeal authorization of systems of night guards had emerged across the country. This coincided both with a key moment of vulnerability for colonial security forces during the war and with a period of more effective reform in the colonial police. As Anderson and Killingray have noted, however, these improvements were 'to a large extent directed at strengthening the ability of the colonial state to coerce an increasing number of industrial, agrarian and political opponents more effectively' (Anderson and Killingray 1991:12). Indeed, across the continent colonial policing was far more concerned with the protection of property and with the maintenance of social order than with the prevention or detection of crime. Tamuno has argued that in Nigeria throughout the colonial period the distinction between soldiers and police was almost meaningless for the population at large and that the Nigeria Police Force has never shaken off its quasi-military origins (Tamuno 1970). Recent periods of military rule in the country, it is further suggested, have only served to accentuate the military character of the police force (Ekeh 2002). Fourchard's historical analysis in this collection disputes the commonly assumed watershed moments in the parallel development of Nigerian vigilantism. First, he demonstrates that popular responses to armed robbery did not commence in the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War, as is commonly understood, but rather emerged from the 1930s onwards and developed with the proliferation of firearms and the availability of cars from the late 1950s. …

91 citations


Book
21 Aug 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a discussion of the road to Abu Ghraib and beyond, focusing on the Geneva Conventions and international law, and discuss the legal and ethical aspects of torture.
Abstract: Introduction: the rule of law finds its Golem: judicial torture then and now Karen Greenberg Part I. Democracy, Terror, and Torture: 1. Tortured liberalism David Luban 2. How to interrogate terrorists Heather MacDonald 3. Torture: thinking about the unthinkable Andrew McCarthy 4. The curious debate Joshua Dratel 5. Is defiance of law proof of success: magical thinking in the war on terror Stephen Holmes 6. Through a mirror, darkly Scott Horton 7. Speaking law to power: lawyers and power Richard Bilder and Detlev Vagts 8. 'Engine of state' and the rule of law Jeremy Waldron 9. Torture: an interreligious debate Joyce Dubensky and Rachel Lavery Part II. On the Matter of Failed States, The Geneva Conventions and International Law: 10. Unwise counsel: the war on terrorism and the criminal mistreatment of detainees in U.S. custody David Bowker 11. Rethinking the Geneva Conventions Lee Casey and David Rivkin 12. The disappearing state David D. Caron 13. War not crime William H. Taft IV Part III. On Torture: 14. Panel discussion - torture: the road to Abu Ghraib and beyond Burt Neuborne, Dana Priest, Samuel Rascoff, Anthony Lewis, Joshua Dratel, Major Michael Dan Mori and Stephen Gillers 15. Legal ethics and other perspectives Jeffrey Shapiro 16. Legal ethics: a debate Stephen Gillers 17. Lawyers know sin: complicity in torture Christopher Kutz 18. Renouncing torture Michael Dorf 19. Reconciling torture with democracy Deborah Pearlstein Part IV. Afterword: 20. Litigating torture: the German Criminal Prosecution Michael Ratner and Peter Weiss 21. Ugly Americans Noah Feldman Part V. Relevant Documents: 22. Uncharted legal territory - RE: 1949 Geneva Conventions: the President's decisions under International Law William Taft IV to William Haynes, March 22, 2002 23. The 'torture' memo - RE: standards of conduct for interrogation Jay Bybee to Alberto Gonzales August 1, 2002 24. Redefining torture Memo - RE: Legal standards Applicable Daniel Levin to James B. Comey, December 30, 2004 Part VI. Afterthought: To the American People: Report upon the Illegal practices of the United States Department of Justice Zechariah Chafee, Felix Frankfurter, Ernst Freund, Roscoe Pound, et al. May 1920.

Posted Content
TL;DR: In the Pinochet case, the former head of state of a foreign country has been held accountable for the first time before a municipal court for acts of torture committed while he was in his post.
Abstract: In the Pinochet case the former head of state of a foreign country has been held accountable for the first time before a municipal court for acts of torture allegedly committed while he was in his post. The unprecedented character of the case causes one to ask whether municipal courts may properly complement international tribunals in the enforcement of international criminal law, and, if so, to what extent a plea of immunity or non-justiciability may be available. The divide within the House of Lords on the interpretation of the scope of application of jurisdictional immunities to foreign heads of state as regards crimes of international law hardly hides a more profound conflict based on the different perception of what values and interests should be accorded priority in contemporary international law. This article argues that neither jurisdictional immunities nor act of state and other doctrines of judicial self-restraint are consistent with the notion of crimes of international law and that the quest for normative coherence should induce a reappraisal of the relationship between human rights and the law of jurisdictional immunities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a close analysis of how the Abu Ghraib photographs originally were perceived and framed in the American news media, public debate, and in various cultural contexts is presented.
Abstract: Drawing on a close analysis of how the Abu Ghraib photographs originally were perceived and framed in the American news media, public debate, and in various cultural contexts, this article addresse...

Book
04 Aug 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the author argues that law will never offer an adequate account of political violence and instead, we must turn to political theology, which reveals that torture and terror are, essentially, forms of sacrifice.
Abstract: The terrorist attacks of 9/11, closely followed by the expose of torture in U.S. detainment camps, dampened hopes for a more peaceful world in the twenty-first century and challenged the belief that humanity was on a course of progress toward rational deliberation, the rule of law, and human rights.In "Sacred Violence", the distinguished political and legal theorist Paul W. Kahn investigates the reasons for the resort to violence characteristic of premodern states. In a startling argument, he contends that law will never offer an adequate account of political violence. Instead, we must turn to political theology, which reveals that torture and terror are, essentially, forms of sacrifice. Kahn forces us to acknowledge what we don't want to see: that we remain deeply committed to a violent politics beyond law. Kahn's provocative argument and conversational style will challenge and engage theorists and lay readers alike.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, Toni Erskine offers a challenging and original normative approach to some of the most pressing practical concerns in world politics, including the contested nature of the prohibitions against torture and the targeting of civilians in the 'war on terror'.
Abstract: In this innovative book, Toni Erskine offers a challenging and original normative approach to some of the most pressing practical concerns in world politics - including the contested nature of the prohibitions against torture and the targeting of civilians in the 'war on terror'. Erskine's vision of 'embedded cosmopolitanism' responds to the charge that conventional cosmopolitan arguments neglect the profound importance of community and culture, particularity and passion. Bringing together insights from communitarian and feminist political thought, she defends the idea that community membership is morally constitutive - while arguing that the communities that define us are not necessarily territorially bounded and that a moral perspective situated in them need not be parochial. Erskine employs this framework to explore some of the difficult moral dilemmas thrown up by contemporary warfare. Can universal principles of restraint demanded by conventional laws of war be robustly defended from a position that also acknowledges the moral force of particular ties and loyalties? By highlighting the links that exist even between warring communities, she offers new reasons for giving a positive response - reasons that reconcile claims to local attachments and global obligations. Embedded Cosmopolitanism provides a powerful account of where we stand in relation to 'strangers' and 'enemies' in a diverse and divided world; and provides a new theoretical framework for addressing the relationship between our moral starting point and the scope of our duties to others.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Solitary confinement has a well documented negative impact on mental health and wellbeing and may amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, particularly when used for a prolonged time as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: "As this sourcebook clearly demonstrates, solitary confinement has a well documented negative impact on mental health and wellbeing and may amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, particularly when used for a prolonged time The use of solitary confinement should therefore be strictly limited to exceptional cases or where it is absolutely necessary for criminal investigation purposes The severe suffering caused by solitary confinement means that in all cases it should only be used as a last resort, and then for the shortest possible period of time When used for interrogation purposes, either in combination with other methods or on its own, solitary confinement can amount not only to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment but even to torture This comprehensive sourcebook brings together the accumulated knowledge and standards relating to solitary confinement and its harmful consequences It identifies how solitary confinement may be misused and the protections that should be put in place It is a valuable resource for prison staff and policy makers in the effort to promote the respect and protection of the rights and wellbeing of prisoners and detainees Let us not forget that persons deprived of liberty are among the most vulnerable human beings in every society" - Manfred Nowak, Preface

BookDOI
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a topology of emergency power in the US and discuss its relationship with the concept of emergency logic and the ethic of political responsibility, as well as its relation with the notion of emergency powers.
Abstract: 1. No doctrine more pernicious? Emergencies and the limits of legality Victor V. Ramraj Part I. Legality and Extralegality: 2. The compulsion of legality David Dyzenhaus 3. Extralegality and the ethic of political responsibility Oren Gross Part II. Conceptual and Normative Theories: 4. Emergency logic: prudence, morality, and the rule of law Terry Nardin 5. Indefinite detention: rule by law or rule of law? R. Rueban Balasubramaniam Part III. Political and Sociological Theories: 6. The political constitution of emergency powers: some conceptual issues Mark Tushnet 7. A topography of emergency power Nomi Claire Lazar 8. Law, terror and social movements: the repression-mobilisation nexus Colm Campbell Part IV. Prospective Constraints on State Power: 9. Emergency strategies for prescriptive legal positivists: anti-terrorist law and legal theory Tom Campbell 10. Ordinary laws for emergencies and democratic derogation from rights Kent Roach 11. Presidentialism and emergency government William E. Scheuerman Part V. Judicial Responses to Official Disobedience: 12. Necessity, torture and the rule of law A. P. Simester 13. Deny everything: intelligence activities and the rule of law Simon Chesterman Part VI. Post-Colonial and International Perspectives: 14. Exceptions, bare life and colonialism Johan Geertsema 15. Struggle over legality in the midnight hour: governing the international state of emergency Kanishka Jayasuriya 16. Inter arma silent leges? Black hole theories of the laws of war C. L. Lim.

Book
21 Aug 2008
TL;DR: This chapter discusses technologies of surveillance and the erosion of institutional trust, as well as computer crime control as industry, and the role of the Internet in the Twenty First Century prison.
Abstract: Introduction: Technologies of (in)security, K .F. Aas, H. O. Gundhus, H. M. Lomell Part 1: (In)security and terror 1. Mundane Terror and the Threat of Everyday Objects, Daniel Neyland 2. Identification Practices: state formation, crime control, colonialism and war, David Lyon Part 2: (In)secure spaces 3. Spatial Articulations of Surveillance at the FIFA World Cup 2006 in Germany, Francisco Klauser 4. Checkpoint Security: Gateways, airports, and the architecture of security, Richard Jones Part 3: (In)secure visibilities 5. 24/7/365: Mobility, locability and the satellite tracking of offenders, Mike Nellis 6. Empowered Watchers or Disempowered Workers? The ambiguities of power within technologies of security, Gavin John Douglas Smith 7. Hijacking Surveillance? The new moral landscapes of amateur photographing, Hille Koskela Part 4: (In)secure virtualities 8. The Role of the Internet in the Twenty First Century Prison: Insecure technologies in secure places, Yvonne Jewkes 9. Computer Crime Control as Industry: Virtual insecurity and the market for private policing, Majid Yar Part 5: (In)Secure rights 10. Technologies of Surveillance and the erosion of institutional trust, Benjamin Goold 11. Another Side of the Story: Defence lawyers' views on DNA evidence, Johanne Yttrl Dahl 12. 'Catastrophic Moral Horror': Torture, terror and rights, Vidar Halvorsen Epilogue: The Inescapable Insecurity of security technologies?, Lucia Zedner

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Preliminary observations from four cases and a review of the literature support the potential efficacy of incorporating qigong and t'ai chi into the treatment of survivors of torture and refugee trauma.
Abstract: Objectives: This paper seeks to explore the potential value of qigong and t'ai chi practice as a therapeutic intervention to aid in the treatment of survivors of torture and refugee trauma. Design: The common effects of torture and refugee trauma are surveyed with a focus on post-traumatic stress disorder. An alternative theoretical framework for conceptualizing and healing trauma is presented. Evidence is reviewed from the scientific literature that describes how qigong and t'ai chi have been used in studies of the general population to alleviate symptoms that are also expressed in torture survivors. Observations are presented from a combined, simplified qigong and t'ai chi intervention with a convenience sample of four refugee survivors of torture. Results: Preliminary observations from four cases and a review of the literature support the potential efficacy of incorporating qigong and t'ai chi into the treatment of survivors of torture and refugee trauma. Conclusions: The incorporation of qigo...

Journal Article
TL;DR: A summary of research intervention work carried out in war-affected Northern Uganda by Isis-WICCE, a women's international non-government organisation, in conjunction with the Ugandan Medical Association and funded by Medica Mondiale, a German-based foundation as discussed by the authors, demonstrates the serious effects of sexual violence and torture experienced on women's physical and psychological health.
Abstract: This article presents a summary of research intervention work carried out in waraffected Northern Uganda by Isis-WICCE, a women’s international non-government organisation, in conjunction with the Ugandan Medical Association and funded by Medica Mondiale, a German-based foundation The findings of this research demonstrate the serious effects of sexual violence and torture experienced on women’s physical and psychological health However, this paper also describes women’s key role in trying to bring peace to this region, as well as their resistance and survival strategies It is recommended that funding is urgently required for the provision of sustainable, gender sensitive physical and psychological health services in this region Women’s campaign for justice for the atrocities they have suffered should be heard by the International Criminal Court Further recommendations are made with respect to policy changes in line 1 Helen Liebling-Kalifani is a Lecturer-Practitioner in Clinical Psychology, Coventry & Warwick Universities She is a member of African Psycare Research Organisation (APRO) and helped establish the clinical psychology masters course at Makerere University Together with Isis-WICCE and APRO, she has been working with war-torture survivors since 1998 Her PhD followed up their earlier work in Luwero District She has been awarded ESRC funding, the Phil Strong Research Prize, an Applied Research Fellowship and British Academy funding to continue this work 2 Ruth Ojiambo-Ochieng is the Executive Director of Isis-Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange, Isis-WICCE, Kampala, Uganda This is a global action oriented women’s non-government organisation with the aim of promoting justice and women’s human rights Their major areas of focus since 1996, is documenting women's realities in armed conflict and peace situations from a human rights perspective IsisWICCE were awarded a prize for their outstanding achievements as an NGO from Geneva in 2005 3 Angela Marshall, MA, LLM, is a senior lecturer in the Coventry School of Law, Coventry University She teaches at undergraduate and postgraduate level in gender and law, human rights and criminal justice She is a qualified solicitor, and has taught across a range of legal disciplines She has also taught in Kenya, East Africa Her particular interest is in the human rights of women 4 Juliet Were-Oguttu is the Programme Coordinator – Information and Documentation at Isis-WICCE She coordinates the documentation and research on women’s realities in armed conflict Further information can be found at http://wwwisisorug/ 5 Seggane Musisi is a Consultant Psychiatrist and the Head of Psychiatry at Makerere University, Uganda He is the founding member of APRO, who carry out research and intervention work with war-torture survivors He has published widely in this area He was also a Fulbright New Century Scholar and a visiting researcher at Oregon Health Sciences University, Canada 6 Eugene Kinyanda is a Lecturer and Consultant Psychiatrist at the Medical Research Council, Entebbe He carried out his PhD research on the topic of suicides He is a member of APRO and has assisted with the ongoing research and intervention work with Isis-WICCE He is currently carrying out pilot intervention projects in Northern Uganda, which involves training health workers in the psychological and medical management of war survivors utilising a manual produced by Isis-WICCE

Posted Content
TL;DR: This article found that the desire for harsh interrogation is largely isomorphic with the desire to punish, and that both effects are mediated by the perceived moral status of the target, but not the perceived effectiveness of the interrogation.
Abstract: The use of harsh interrogation techniques on terrorism suspects is typically justified on utilitarian grounds. The present research suggests, however, that those who support such techniques are fuelled by retributive motives. An experimental study conducted with a broad national sample of U.S. residents found that the desire for harsh interrogation is largely isomorphic with the desire to punish, and that both effects are mediated by the perceived moral status of the target, but not the perceived effectiveness of the interrogation. Results are discussed with regard to retributive justice and the national policy on interrogation and torture.

Journal Article
TL;DR: Torture survivors amid newly arrived asylum seekers are an extremely vulnerable group, hence examination and inquiry about the torture history is extremely important in order to identify this population to initiate the necessary medical treatment and social assistance.
Abstract: BACKGROUND: An unknown number of asylum seekers arriving in Denmark have been exposed to torture or have experienced other traumatising events in their country of origin. The health of traumatised asylum seekers, both physically and mentally, is affected upon arrival to Denmark, and time in asylum centres leads to further deterioration in health. METHODS: One hundred forty-two (N=142) newly arrived asylum seekers were examined at Center Sandholm by Amnesty International Danish Medical Group from the 1st of September until the 31st of December 2007. FINDINGS: The asylum seekers came from 33 different countries, primarily representing Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Chechnya. Of the asylum seekers, 45 percent had been exposed to torture--approximately one-third within the year of arrival to Denmark. Unsystematic blows, personal threats or threats to family, degrading treatment, isolation, and witnessing torture of others were the main torture methods reported. The majority of the asylum seekers had witnessed armed conflict, persecution, and imprisonment. The study showed that physical symptoms were approximately twice as frequent and psychological symptoms were approximately two to three times as frequent among torture survivors as among non-tortured asylum seekers. However, even the health of non-tortured asylum seekers was affected. Among the torture survivors, 63 percent fulfilled the criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder, and 30-40 percent of the torture survivors were depressed, in anguish, anxious, and tearful in comparison to 5-10 percent of the non-tortured asylum seekers. Further, 42 percent of torture survivors had torture-related scars. INTERPRETATION: Torture survivors amid newly arrived asylum seekers are an extremely vulnerable group, hence examination and inquiry about the torture history is extremely important in order to identify this population to initiate the necessary medical treatment and social assistance. Amnesty International Danish Medical group is currently planning a follow-up study of the present population which will focus on changes in health status during their time in Denmark. Language: en

Book
01 Jan 2008

01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined 1,142 newly arrived asylum seekers at Center Sandholm by Amnesty International Dan-ish Medical Group from the 1st of September until the 31st of December 2007.
Abstract: Background: An unknown number of asylum seek-ers arriving in Denmark have been exposed to torture or have experienced other traumatising events in their country of origin. The health of traumatised asylum seekers, both physically and mentally, is affected upon arrival to Denmark, and time in asylum centres leads to further deteriora-tion in health. Methods: One hundred forty-two (N=142) newly arrived asylum seekers were examined at Center Sandholm by Amnesty International Dan-ish Medical Group from the 1st of September until the 31st of December 2007. Findings: The asylum seekers came from 33 different countries, primarily representing Af-ghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Chechnya. Of the asylum seekers, 45% had been exposed to torture – approximately one-third within the year of ar-rival to Denmark. Unsystematic blows, personal threats or threats to family, degrading treatment, isol ation, and witnessing torture of others were the main torture methods reported. The majority of the asylum seekers had witnessed armed conflict, persecution, and imprisonment. The study showed that physical symptoms were approximately twice as frequent and psychological symptoms were ap-proximately two to three times as frequent among torture survivors as among non-tortured asylum seekers. However, even the health of non-tortured asylum seekers was affected. Among the torture survivors, 63% fulfilled the criteria for post-trau-matic stress disorder, and 30-40% of the torture survivors were depressed, in anguish, anxious, and tearful in comparison to 5-10% of the non-tortured asylum seekers. Further, 42% of torture survivors had torture-related scars.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States, like the larger international community, likely will tend toward greater abolition of the death penalty during the first half of the twenty-first century as mentioned in this paper, and the transition to abolition will most likely occur as a result of elite political leadership and ordinary acts of resistance.
Abstract: The United States, like the larger international community, likely will tend toward greater abolition of the death penalty during the first half of the twenty-first century. A handful of individual states - states that have historically carried out few or no executions - probably will abolish capital punishment over the next twenty years, which will create political momentum and ultimately a federal constitutional ban on capital punishment in the United States. It is entirely reasonable to expect that, by the mid-twenty-first century, capital punishment will have the same status internationally as torture: an outlier practice, prohibited by international agreements and customary international law, practiced illicitly by rogue nations, and defended only by a handful of conservative academics seeking attention.Within retentionist states, the transition to abolition will most likely occur as a result of elite political leadership and ordinary acts of resistance. Experience suggests that abolition of the death penalty is rarely the result of loud and explicit democratic politics, but is instead more often the product of counter-majoritarian, at times elite-driven judicial or political maneuvers. Abolition is rarely an issue that builds political capital for emerging leaders, but instead one that requires using existing political capital. Another important but rarely discussed factor that promotes abolitionist reforms are ordinary acts of resistance by those who are either knowingly or unconsciously uncomfortable with capital punishment or truly opposed to the death penalty. These men and women - a clerk at the county courthouse, an employee at the local police department, a secretary in the prosecutor's office, sometimes even a judge or law clerk slow death penalty cases down and effectively undermine the machinery of death. Neither of these two factors are especially good topics for elaboration since both take place below visibility. Yet they both play important roles and will likely push retentionist states at the cusp into the abolitionist camp, continuing the national and global trend toward greater abolition of the death penalty.

Book
12 Mar 2008
TL;DR: The Right to Feel Safe: Trauma and Recovery, the Right to a Healthy Social Environment: Protecting Children from Social Toxicity, the right to Protection: Child Abuse is the Root of Much Evil, and Free from Hate: PROTECTing Voices of Compassion in Times of War and Political Violence as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: How Can We Think About Children Confronting the Dark Side of Human Experience?.- The Right to Feel Safe: Trauma and Recovery.- The Right to a Healthy Social Environment: Protecting Children from Social Toxicity.- The Right to Protection: Child Abuse is the Root of Much Evil.- The Right to Be Free from Hate: Protecting Voices of Compassion in Times of War and Political Violence.- The Right to Be Economically "Regular": What It Means to Be Desperately Poor.- The Right to Equality: No Girl Left Behind.- Home and Homeland: Displaced Children and Youth.- The Right to Priority in Times of War: Would You Torture One Child to Bring World Peace?.- The Right to Heal: When Traumatized Kids Need Help to Recover.

Book
27 Oct 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the extent to which transitional justice institutions have provided justice for torture victims; illustrating how truth commissions and international courts operate together and reflecting on their successes and weaknesses with reference to wider social, political and economic conditions.
Abstract: This book highlights how, and why, torture is such a compelling tool for states and other powerful actors. While torture has a short-term use value for perpetrators, it also creates a devastating legacy for victims, their families and communities. In exposing such repercussions, this book addresses the questions ‘What might torture victims need to move forward from their violation?’ and ‘How can official responses provide truth or justice for torture victims?’ Building on observations, documentary analysis and over seventy interviews with both torture victims and transitional justice workers this book explores how torture was used, suffered and resisted in Timor-Leste. The author investigates the extent to which transitional justice institutions have provided justice for torture victims; illustrating how truth commissions and international courts operate together and reflecting on their successes and weaknesses with reference to wider social, political and economic conditions. Stanley also details victims’ experiences of torture and highlights how they experience life in the newly built state of Timor-Leste Tracking the past, present and future of human rights, truth and justice for victims in Timor-Leste, Torture, Truth and Justice will be of interest to students, professionals and scholars of Asian studies, International Studies, Human Rights and Social Policy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors investigated the role of presidential signing statements in influencing the policy process when the normal methods break down, particularly in this modern period of divided government characterized by high levels of partisanship inside Congress and inside the electorate.
Abstract: The presidential bill signing statement is one of many devices that contemporary presidents have developed for use against a recalcitrant Congress, joining with the executive order, memoranda, proclamations, pocket vetoes, and primary unilateral policy devices, to name but a few (Barilleaux 1989; Cooper 2002; Mayer 2001; Spitzer 2006). In late 2005 and then in 2006, the signing statement moved from relative obscurity to cause celebre. The reason it became a public spectacle is multifaceted. First, in December 2005, President George W. Bush used the signing statement to renege on a deal he had made with Senator John McCain (R-AZ) to keep torture off the list of interrogation techniques as part of the global war on terrorism. Throughout the fall of 2005, the administration applied enormous political pressure to persuade Senator McCain to back away from his "no torture" position. When it failed, President Bush invited Senator McCain, along with Senator John Warner (R-VA), to a White House photo op and a formal signing ceremony, at which President Bush proclaimed, "[T]he Administration is committed to treating all detainees held by the United States in a manner consistent with our Constitution, laws, and treaty obligations, which reflect the values we hold dear" (Bush 2005a). However, in President Bush's signing statement to the bill, (1) he set off a public firestorm after he wrote, The executive branch shall construe Title X in Division A of the Act, relating to detainees, in a manner consistent with the constitutional authority of the President to supervise the unitary executive branch and as Commander in Chief and consistent with the constitutional limitations on the judicial power, which will assist in achieving the shared objective of the Congress and the President, evidenced in Title X, of protecting the American people from further terrorist attacks. (Bush 2005b) Also in December 2005, the Bush administration released numerous documents regarding Judge Samuel Alito's time in the Reagan administration's Justice Department. Alito, at the time preparing for his Supreme Court confirmation hearings, had worked in the Reagan Justice Department in the mid-1980s, in part to develop the signing statement as a useful device to protect the prerogatives of the presidency, as well as to advance policy preferences throughout the executive branch agencies (Alito 1986). And finally, in April 2006, Charlie Savage, a reporter for the Boston Globe, wrote an article claiming that President Bush had used the signing statement to challenge "more than 750 laws" since taking office, a number that exceeded all previous presidents combined (Savage 2006). What ensued were numerous editorials condemning the practice, along with congressional hearings, testimony, and legislation designed to blunt the effects of the signing statement and a chorus of critics who issued reports demanding that the practice stop. Yet despite all the recent attention, there has been little scholarly research tying the use of the signing statement to the larger picture of presidential power (Cooper 2002, 2005 are important exceptions). This essay investigates how the signing statement is used to influence the policy process when the normal methods break down, particularly in this modern period of divided government characterized by high levels of partisanship inside Congress and inside the electorate. The empirical analysis seeks to understand the factors that explain why the president uses signing statements on some laws and not others. In broader terms, the investigation of signing statements sheds light on how two distinct views of power--Neustadt's personal presidency and unilateralism--can be viewed as complementary, rather than competing approaches. The investigation utilizes a mixture of methods and evidence to assess the role of presidential signing statements in understanding presidential power. …

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Kepel as mentioned in this paper argues that the War on Terror masks a complex political agenda in the Middle East - enforcing democracy, accessing Iraqi oil, securing Israel, and seeking regime change in Iran.
Abstract: Since 2001, two dominant worldviews have clashed in the global arena: a neoconservative nightmare of an insidious Islamic terrorist threat to civilized life, and a jihadist myth of martyrdom through the slaughter of infidels. Across the airwaves and on the ground, an ill-defined and uncontrollable war has raged between these two opposing scenarios. Deadly images and threats - from the televised beheading of Western hostages to graphic pictures of torture at Abu Ghraib, from the destruction wrought by suicide bombers in London and Madrid to civilian deaths at the hands of American occupation forces in Iraq - have polarized populations on both sides of this divide. Yet, as the noted Middle East scholar and commentator Gilles Kepel demonstrates, President Bush's War on Terror masks a complex political agenda in the Middle East - enforcing democracy, accessing Iraqi oil, securing Israel, and seeking regime change in Iran. Osama bin Laden's call for martyrs to rise up against the apostate and hasten the dawn of a universal Islamic state papers over a fractured, fragmented Islamic world that is waging war against itself. "Beyond Terror and Martyrdom" sounds the alarm to the West and to Islam that both of these exhausted narratives are bankrupt - neither productive of democratic change in the Middle East nor of unity in Islam. Kepel urges us to escape the ideological quagmire of terrorism and martyrdom and explore the terms of a new and constructive dialogue between Islam and the West, one for which Europe, with its expanding and restless Muslim populations, may be the proving ground.