Showing papers on "Torture published in 2016"

A Future for Human Rights

Abstract: rights contained in the Constitu tion that confer both the positive rights on citizens like equality, and freedoms ranging from the freedom to assemble to the freedom of conscience, and the negative rights that protect a citizen from being a witness against himself (torture), arbitrary arrest, or deviation from the procedure established by law. The other perspective is the holistic approach that also takes into consideration a wide

Queer international relations

Abstract: Queer International Relations (IR) is not a new field. For more than 20 years, Queer IR scholarship has focused on how normativities and/or non-normativities associated with categories of sex, gender, and sexuality sustain and contest international formations of power in relation to institutions like heteronormativity, homonormativity, and cisnormativity as well as through queer logics of statecraft. Recently, Queer IR has gained unprecedented traction in IR, as IR scholars have come to recognize how Queer IR theory, methods, and research further IR’s core agenda of analyzing and informing the policies and politics around state and nation formation, war and peace, and international political economy. Specific Queer IR research contributions include work on sovereignty, intervention, security and securitization, torture, terrorism and counter-insurgency, militaries and militarism, human rights and LGBT activism, immigration, regional and international integration, global health, transphobia, homophobia, development and International Financial Institutions, financial crises, homocolonialism, settler colonialism and anti-Blackness, homocapitalism, political/cultural formations, norms diffusion, political protest, and time and temporalities

Backlash Against International Courts in West, East and Southern Africa: Causes and Consequences

Abstract: This article discusses three credible attempts by African governments to restrict the jurisdiction of three similarly situated sub-regional courts in response to politically controversial rulings. In West Africa, when the Court of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) upheld allegations of torture by opposition journalists in Gambia, that country’s political leaders sought to restrict the Court’s power to review human rights complaints. The other member states ultimately defeated Gambia’s proposal. In East Africa, Kenya failed in its efforts to eliminate the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) and to remove some of its judges after a decision challenging an election to a sub-regional legislature. However, the member states agreed to restructure the EACJ in ways that have significantly affected the Court’s subsequent trajectory. In Southern Africa, after the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal ruled in favor of white farmers in disputes over land seizures, Zimbabwe prevailed upon SADC member states to suspend the Tribunal and strip its power to review complaints from private litigants. Variations in the mobilization efforts of community secretariats, civil society groups and sub-regional parliaments explain why efforts to eliminate the three courts or narrow their jurisdiction were defeated in ECOWAS, scaled back in the EACJ and largely succeeded in the SADC.

Backlash against International Courts in West, East and Southern Africa: Causes and Consequences

Abstract: This article discusses three credible attempts by African governments to restrict the jurisdiction of three similarly situated sub-regional courts in response to politically controversial rulings. In West Africa, when the Court of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) upheld allegations of torture by opposition journalists in Gambia, that country’s political leaders sought to restrict the Court’s power to review human rights complaints. The other member states ultimately defeated Gambia’s proposal. In East Africa, Kenya failed in its efforts to eliminate the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) and to remove some of its judges after a decision challenging an election to a sub-regional legislature. However, the member states agreed to restructure the EACJ in ways that have significantly affected the Court’s subsequent trajectory. In Southern Africa, after the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal ruled in favor of white farmers in disputes over land seizures, Zimbabwe prevailed upon SADC member states to suspend the Tribunal and strip its power to review complaints from private litigants. Variations in the mobilization efforts of community secretariats, civil society groups and sub-regional parliaments explain why efforts to eliminate the three courts or narrow their jurisdiction were defeated in ECOWAS, scaled back in the EACJ and largely succeeded in the SADC.

A Lexicon Of Terror Argentina And The Legacies Of Torture

Abstract: Thank you for downloading a lexicon of terror argentina and the legacies of torture. Maybe you have knowledge that, people have look hundreds times for their chosen readings like this a lexicon of terror argentina and the legacies of torture, but end up in malicious downloads. Rather than enjoying a good book with a cup of coffee in the afternoon, instead they cope with some malicious bugs inside their laptop.

The annihilation of memory and silent suffering: inhibiting outrage at the injustice of torture in the War on Terror in Australia

Abstract: The War on Terror, initiated by the US Government under George W. Bush, reintroduced torture as an overt tool of the state. The Australian Government was heavily implicated in colluding and covering up the US torture program. Drawing on a model of outrage management, newspaper articles from 2002-2012 reveal extensive evidence that government officials, their agents, and the media, utilised methods that served to reduce outrage over the use of torture in the War on Terror. These tactics not only inhibited outrage, but promoted acceptance of torture as a legitimate security tool in the post 9/11 era. There is significant evidence that government officials, and a mostly compliant media, engaged in cover-up, either by omitting information, destroying evidence of torture, or failing to call into question statements made by US or Australian officials. There is extensive evidence of dehumanising or devaluing the survivors/victims and their experience including denigrating them as liars, casting them as unreliable sources, or, alternatively, attacking their personal character. Evidence extends to the reinterpretation of events and the way in which language was used to shift focus off torture to concerns about innocence or guilt. Rather than naming torture for what it is, terminology such as ‘abuse’ or ‘mistreatment’ was commonly used throughout the decade of analysis. The use of official channels to minimise outrage was apparent through the use of official spokespeople, or investigations that only gave the appearance of justice. There was also extensive evidence of the use of intimidation towards whistleblowers and torture survivors in order to prevent them from telling their stories. Those involved in torture were rewarded, commonly through promotion. These tactics were enabled by networks of individuals, organisations and institutions that carry out ideological, economic, practical or political functions to support the facilitation and cover-up of state-inflicted torture. These networks include shallow governments that deploy misleading political rhetoric related to torture and terrorism, the increased role of militarism and covert operations, and the expansion of the surveillance state. Therefore, challenging torture in the War on Terror requires

Posttraumatic stress disorder in Syrian refugees: A review.

Abstract: According to the International Federation of Red Cross, a disaster is a sudden event that disrupts the way a community functions, causes devastating losses, and exceeds the community's ability to survive on its own resources (International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, nd) It can be caused by natural events (ie, earthquakes, floods, forest fires, etc) or can be due to human behavior (ie, industrial accidents, transport accidents, warfare, etc) Warfare is perhaps one of the most devastating types of disaster, which has both acute and long-term effects Even after the conflict is over, destruction to the environment, city and community infrastructure, food and resources shortage, displaced people, and outbreak of disease are problems that persist (De Goyet, Marti, & Osorio, 2006)The civil war in Syria began in March 2011 with the arrest and torture of prodemocracy protesters, which led to nationwide demands of the president's resignation (Rodgers, Gritten, Offer, & Asare, 2016) When rebel groups joined to fight against the government, the violence escalated into a civil war According to the United Nations, 90,000 people had been killed in the conflict by June 2013 (United Nations Human Rights, Office of the High Commissioner, 2013) By August 2015, the number of casualties has exceeded 250,000 The already unstable conflict became even more chaotic and disastrous with the rise of ISIS Other than the casualties of war, many crimes of war had also been reported (murder, torture, rape, kidnapping, etc; Kareem, 2015) The use of bombs in highly populated urban areas to indiscriminately kill large numbers of civilians has also been reported ISIS has also carried out chemical warfare, mass killings, and beheadingsThe Syrian civil war has become an international crisis, with more than 12 million displaced people, half of them children It is the largest migration of people since World War II According to Amnesty International, Lebanon hosted 11 million refugees whereas 630,000 refugees settled in Jordan Iraq, which is currently in a state of conflict, has welcomed 250,000 Syrians Turkey received more than 19 million refugees (Amnesty International, 2015) Currently, refugees are travelling to Europe, with many migrating to Germany due to their open door policy to immigrants (Chu, 2015) As Syria's education, health care system, and other infrastructure and economy have collapsed, it may take years for the refugees to return home for hopes of a normal lifeMost agencies and organizations are focused on providing for the primary needs of the refugees These include basic necessities such as food, clothing, health care, and shelter Refugees also require clean water and sanitation facilities Most refugees live in abandoned buildings, sheds, garages, or tent settlements Children need a safe environment and school, whereas the adults need employment However, among all these the focus on mental health should also be a priorityRefugees have often experienced traumatic events that forced them to flee from their country of origin This could include torture, unexpected and sudden loss of loved ones, sexual violence, and so forth When they arrive at refugee camps, they can encounter more problems that can cause major psychological stress such as the lack of accommodation, basic necessities (ie, clean water), and employment, to name a few When the refugees finally get resettled into a foreign country, they often face the stresses of integrating into a new culture Learning the new language and customs, along with the possibility of feeling as though they have to give up their own cultural identity, can prove stressful Because of these stressful situations, refugees can have feelings of hopelessness, fear, anger, sadness, and so forth They also commonly experience comorbid depression Because refugees often witness and/or experience traumatic events and adversities, they are at particular risk of developing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) …

Prevalence of torture and other war-related traumatic events in forced migrants A systematic review

Abstract: Aim: To describe and appraise the research literature reporting prevalence of torture and/or war-related potentially traumatic experiences (PTEs) in adult forced migrants living in high-income coun ...

The Puzzle of Abu Ghraib: Are Democratic Institutions a Palliative or Panacea?

Abstract: The events of Abu Ghraib exposed politicians, journalists, military and law enforcement personnel, NGOs, activists and ordinary citizens to the potential brutality of state repression. Many were left stunned that the agents of a liberal democracy would perpetrate such horrific acts against individuals in the state's control. Such shock makes sense if one believes that liberal democratic institutions constrain leaders from acting on the utilitarian incentive to employ torture during interrogations. While such a belief is apparently widespread, is it consistent with the recent historical record? Extant theories of repression and global evidence about torture suggest that it is not. We distinguish among three mechanisms that might constrain the use of torture in liberal democracies: voice, veto, and freedom of expression. We then argue that voice is unlikely to have a strong effect when the state is faced with violent dissent, and that the effect of veto and freedom of expression will be substantially reduced when the state is faced with a violent challenge. To test our hypotheses we use data from 146 countries covering the years 1980-1999 and investigate the extent to which voice, veto, or freedom of expression inhibit countries' use of torture both in times of quiescence and in times when dissidents challenge the state with violence. We find that rather than being aberrant, state-sponsored torture like that in Abu Ghraib is perfectly consistent with both theory and previous experience. More specifically, democratic institutions reduce the probability that a state uses torture in only limited circumstances.

Does Torture Prevention Work

Abstract: Does Torture Prevention Work?, by Dr Richard Carver from Oxford Brookes University and Dr Lisa Handley, an independent scholar from the United States, is the first independent and global study of the impact of torture prevention measures. The research provides important new insights into the most effective ways to reduce incidences of torture. Carver and Handley led a team of researchers in fourteen countries, and asked them to look at torture and prevention mechanisms over a thirty-year period. Their research demonstrates that torture can be prevented. This book is important not only because of its key messages and findings but also because it fills a significant gap in the research on torture, a practice that sadly remains a prevalent concern worldwide. There is indeed little extant scholarly analysis of the impact of preventive measures on torture. The legal literature tends to be normative and usually limits itself to what States are required to do, rather than what actually works in practice. Most of what is written about torture is found in country-specific studies, drafted by nongovernmental organizations, with alerts that torture is endemic, but not generally explaining why preventive measures succeed or fail. The book is divided into eighteen chapters, with two discernable sections. The first section is composed of the first three chapters, which introduce and explain the methodology set up for the research as well as the key findings. The second section includes chapters that look at the fourteen country-specific studies: BOOK REVIEW

Human Rights and International Security: The International Community and the Greek Dictators

Abstract: The Greek junta was notorious for its use of state torture as a means of control. Yet, for most Western governments and organisations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United Nations (UN), Greece's geostrategic location was considered to be a higher priority than the undemocratic behaviour of the ‘Colonels’. This article seeks to synthesise existing historiography with new research in order to examine the complex and interconnected processes that led Western states and key international institutions to tolerate human-rights abuses in Greece in the face of huge protest from international public opinion. It will look at why Western states failed to explain away the ‘Greek case’, as they had done with Portugal and Spain, as an anomaly on the road to defeating a mortal enemy, the USSR, which was committing far more numerous violations. It will also consider why international opinion focused on Greece so intently. It will show how many in the West were lulled by the regime i...

Citizenship Deprivation, Security and Human Rights

Abstract: In response to the rise of IS and the growing problem of foreign fighters, deprivation of citizenship of persons deemed to threaten the interests of the state has been revived as a key tool for security and counterterrorism. Yet, citizenship deprivation raises profound issues for human rights. In the UK, the Immigration Act 2014 includes a power to deprive naturalized British citizens of their citizenship on security grounds, even if doing so would render individuals stateless. The UK government has argued that deprivation would satisfy the requirements of necessity and proportionality under Article 8(2) ECHR, provided it could be shown to be necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the UK. Yet the risks are not only to private and family life. Citizenship deprivation may also involve other rights (not least Articles 2 and 3) where the consequence of deprivation is that individuals suffer loss of life, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. This article explores the genesis of citizenship deprivation resulting in statelessness and offers a strong critique on grounds of legality and rights. It also raises serious questions about its efficacy as a security strategy.

The code not taken: The path from guild ethics to torture and our continuing choices.

Abstract: I wish to thank the Canadian Psychological Association for the John C. Service Award and Martin Drapeau, Editor of Canadian Psychology/Psychologie Canadienne, for inviting me to publish this award address in CPA's flagship journal. I am humbled to be associated with the previous award recipients and particularly with the remarkable psychologist for whom it was named.The controversy over psychologists' role in detainee interrogation and torture broke open a comforting facade. It triggered investigations by newspaper reporters, congressional committees, human rights organisations, and a former federal prosecutor hired by the American Psychological Association (APA). They uncovered documents revealing a more complex, confused, and conflicted professional identity than we often present to students, clients, and the public.The controversy confronts us with questions of how we can best serve our profession. It challenges us with choices about what our profession is, what it means, what it does-who we are, what we mean, what we do. It asks whether our individual lives and the lives of our organisations reflect guild ethics or professional ethics.Looking at the choices that marked the path leading up to and into the controversy can help us respond to those questions and challenges. We can try to learn what they have to teach about our individual lives. If a credible identity, integrity, and professional ethics are not reflected in our individual lives, it is unlikely they will thrive in our profession and organisations.I'll discuss the controversy, the path leading up to it, and some major choices we face, but I'll begin with the following selfdisclosure and context. After almost 30 years of active involvement with APA, I finally resigned in 2008 over changes APA had been making in its ethics, changes that the Hoffman report discusses. I wrote that "I respectfully disagree with these changes; I am skeptical that they will work as intended; and I believe that they may lead to far-reaching unintended consequences." Both my letter of resignation (online at http://kspope.com/apa/index.php) and my articles (Pope, 2011a, 2011b, 2014, 2016; Pope & Gutheil, 2009a) present my beliefs along with the evidence and reasoning that in my opinion support them.The ControversyThe attacks on U.S. civilians on 9/11 forced U.S. citizens and their leaders to make hard choices without knowing what threats lay ahead. To find out more about those threats, the government interrogated detainees at Camps Delta, Iguana, and X-Ray at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, the Detention Centre at Bagram Airbase in Afghanistan, Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq, and similar settings.Psychology's Support for the Interrogations and Psychologist InvolvementAPA strongly supported the value of the interrogations and psychologists' involvement. They explained to the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence that "conducting an interrogation is inherently a psychological endeavor. . . . Psychology is central to this process. . . . Psychologists have valuable contributions to make toward . . . protecting our nation's security through interrogation processes" (American Psychological Association, 2007b). Psychologists would not only ensure that interrogations were effective in getting accurate and actionable intelligence but also ensure that all interrogations they were involved in were safe, legal, and ethical. An APA Ethics Office statement in Psychology Today underscored what psychologists would achieve in all interrogations: "The ability to spot conditions that make abuse more likely uniquely prepares psychologists for this task. Adding a trained professional ensures that all interrogations are conducted in a safe, legal, ethical, and effective manner that protects the individual and helps to elicit information that will prevent future acts of violence" (Hutson, 2008; italics added).APA's claim that psychologists were uniquely qualified-in contrast to statements from other professional organisations reluctant to play a role in these interrogations- convinced military leaders. …

Interpretation of the Prohibition of Torture: Making Sense of ‘Dignity’ Talk

Abstract: The right not to be subjected to torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment is invariably associated with ‘human dignity’. The idea of dignity plays some role in this right’s interpretation, although the content of the idea in this context, as in others, is unclear. Making sense of the dignity idea involves a number of challenges. These challenges give rise to the methodological-type question at the heart of this article: how should human rights lawyers go about articulating the content of ‘dignity’? The article proposes, and models, a methodological approach in response. Its core argument is that human rights law needs the vocabulary provided by theorizations of dignity but that these theorizations should be anchored in authoritative human rights jurisprudence. It argues that this approach can help make sense of the dignity idea in a way that facilitates a richer understanding of its influence on interpretation.

Are healthcare professionals working in Australia's immigration detention centres condoning torture?

Abstract: Australian immigration detention centres are in secluded locations, some on offshore islands, and are subject to extreme secrecy, comparable with ‘black sites’ elsewhere. There are parallels between healthcare professionals working in immigration detention centres and healthcare professionals involved with or complicit in torture. In both cases, healthcare professionals are conflicted between a duty of care to improve the health of patients and the interests of the government. While this duality of interests has been recognised previously, the full implications for healthcare professionals working in immigration detention have not been addressed. The Australian Government maintains that immigration detention is needed for security checks, but the average duration of immigration detention has increased from 10 weeks to 14 months, and detainees are not informed of the progress of their application for refugee status. Long-term immigration detention causes major mental health problems, is illegal in international law and arguably fulfils the recognised definition of torture. It is generally accepted that healthcare professionals should not participate in or condone torture. Australian healthcare professionals thus face a major ethical dilemma: patients in immigration detention have pressing mental and physical health needs, but providing healthcare might support or represent complicity in a practice that is unethical. Individual healthcare professionals need to decide whether or not to work in immigration detention centres. If they do so, they need to decide for how long and to what extent restrictive contracts and gagging laws will constrain them from advocating for closing detention centres.

The trajectory of sex offenders through the Lebanese criminal justice system: a tale of human rights violations

Abstract: This study aims to examine the trajectory of sex offenders through the Lebanese criminal justice system while highlighting various human rights violations. It attempts to fill in the gaps within the literature through building on the existing research and by examining the processes and experiences of arrest, detention, court, prison and release. Recently, numerous scholars have argued that most criminal justice systems are following a popular punitive trend rather than focusing on rehabilitation. This study through its focus on human rights violations, participants attitudes and beliefs as well as issues of rehabilitation and treatment of prisoners firmly places Lebanon within the global trend of popular punitiveness. Seventy-three interviews were carried out with sex offenders, police officers, prison guards, judges and lawyers within Lebanon. These qualitative interviews captured criminal justice professionals and offenders experiences, attitudes and perceptions surrounding sex offending and the criminal justice system. The thematic analysis of the interviews specifically focused on uncovering how sex offenders moved through and were dealt with by the Lebanese criminal justice system. Human rights violations were found to be abundant at the various stages of the criminal justice system. Participants highlighted events such as the excessive use of torture within police stations as well as prisons, the use of forced confessions, and the lack of legal representation. Numerous factors were found to play a role in conceding the copious violations of sex offenders rights occurring at the various stages of the criminal justice system. These factors included corruption, the lack of accountability, police culture, the commonly held belief that offenders are undeserving of human rights, the lack of training, and religion. In investigating the structure and the functioning of the criminal justice system, it became evident that religion played a vital role. Religion dictated professionals positions within the criminal justice system and influenced participants beliefs and attitudes surrounding sex offenders. Because of its influence, religion played a vital role in paving the way for the re-occurrence of human right violations. For example, religion granted the criminalisation of homosexuality and the act of de-virginizing as well as legalising marital rape, all of which result in human rights violations. In order to move Lebanon, and other punitive countries, towards a more rehabilitative criminal justice approach, this study highlights the importance of training, change in legislation, as well as the separation of religion from law.

Tracking rendition aircraft as a way to understand CIA secret detention and torture in Europe

Abstract: We examine how the tracking of rendition aircraft has provided a much fuller understanding of the CIA's rendition, detention and interrogation programme. In particular, we show how this illuminated the role played by European states. Through various investigative methods, new rendition aircraft were identified, significant amounts of flight data were gathered, and data on all known and suspected rendition flights were collated into one public, searchable database. We show that examining logistical elements of covert programmes can prove fruitful for security and human rights research. Furthermore, we demonstrate the benefits of close academic–practitioner collaboration in the field of human rights.

Emotional suppression in torture survivors: Relationship to posttraumatic stress symptoms and trauma-related negative affect.

Abstract: While clinical reports suggest that torture survivors may try to suppress their emotions during torture, little is known about the use of emotional suppression following torture. In this study, 82 refugees and asylum-seekers (including 33 torture survivors) completed self-report measures of trait suppression, PTSD symptoms and baseline negative affect before being exposed to images depicting scenes of interpersonal trauma. The use of suppression while viewing the images was indexed and negative affect was measured both immediately after viewing the images and following a five minute rest period. Findings indicated that torture survivors did not show higher rates of trait suppression or state emotional suppression during the experimental session compared to non-torture survivors. However, torture survivors who endorsed state suppression higher levels of distress, and this relationship was especially strong for those with more severe PTSD symptoms. In contrast, there was a negative relationship between state suppression and distress for non-torture survivors with high levels of PTSD symptoms. These findings suggest that, while torture exposure does not lead to greater use of suppression, it does influence the impact of suppression on emotional responses to stimuli.

But we don’t call it ‘torture’! Norm contestation during the US ‘War on Terror’

Abstract: International law has become the reference frame that establishes legitimacy for international encounters, but paradoxically and at the same time international law itself has become increasingly contested. This article analyses the relationship between norm acceptance and norm implementation and examines an instance of norm contestation in the context of the US ‘War on Terror’. The focus is on the use of torture or ‘enhanced interrogation methods’ during the Bush Presidency. The so-called ‘torture memos’ that were made public in recent years shed light on different arguments that were used by the government at the time to justify their actions and to show that they were in line with existing international legal obligations. The article seeks to assess the validity of international agreements by analysing compliance and actual meaning (meaning-in-use) of fundamental international human rights norms that are being contested through different interpretations and usages on the domestic level.

Torture and the Material-Semiotic Networks of Violence Across Borders

Abstract: The intimately local violence of torture is, simultaneously and increasingly, a global phenomenon. This paper explores a transnational convergence in the local morphologies of torture practices across time, space, and state-type through an inquiry into its global ontologies. Drawing on the insights of Actor-Network Theory, the papers introduces a material-semiotic mode of inquiry into violence in order to locate the (re)emergence and (re)convergence of torture practices within a hitherto unnoticed space of violence constituted by the circulation of violence- enabling knowledges, visual and textual inscriptions, human persons, and non-human material objects. This analysis is based on evidence gathered from interviews conducted with Syrian victims and perpetrators of torture, alongside primary and secondary sources detailing torture in other localities, which stresses the importance of tracing local instances of torture through to these material-semiotic networks of violence across borders. Concluding with a theory of the spatio-temporal oscillation of violent practices, which highlights the analytical limits of both the constructivist literature on norms and the decisionism of literatures on political exceptionalism, the paper argues that its mode of inquiry provides novel and important insights for comprehending the stubbornness of the “global crisis” in torture that Amnesty International has described for over forty years.

International Law, Constitutional Law, and Public Support for Torture

Abstract: The human rights movement has spent considerable energy developing and promoting the adoption of both international and domestic legal prohibitions against torture. Empirical scholarship testing the effectiveness of these prohibitions using observational data, however, has produced mixed results. In this paper, we explore one possible mechanism through which these prohibitions may be effective: dampening public support for torture. Specifically, we conducted a survey experiment to explore the impact of international and constitutional law on public support for torture. We found that a bare majority of respondents in our control group support the use of torture, and that presenting respondents with arguments that this practice violates international law or constitutional law did not produce a statistically significant decrease in support. These findings are consistent with prior research suggesting, even in democracies, that legal prohibitions on torture have been ineffective.

Is Australia engaged in torturing asylum seekers? A cautionary tale for Europe

Abstract: Australian immigration detention has been identified as perpetuating ongoing human rights violations. Concern has been heightened by the assessment of clinicians involved and by the United Nations that this treatment may in fact constitute torture. We discuss the allegations of torture within immigration detention, and the reasons why healthcare providers have an ethical duty to report them. Finally, we will discuss the protective power of ratifying the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment as a means of providing transparency and ethical guidance.

International Law, Constitutional Law, and Public Support for Torture

Abstract: The human rights movement has spent considerable energy developing and promoting the adoption of both international and domestic legal prohibitions against torture. Empirical scholarship testing the effectiveness of these prohibitions using observational data, however, has produced mixed results. In this paper, we explore one possible mechanism through which these prohibitions may be effective: dampening public support for torture. Specifically, we conducted a survey experiment to explore the impact of international and constitutional law on public support for torture. We found that a bare majority of respondents in our control group support the use of torture, and that presenting respondents with arguments that this practice violates international law or constitutional law did not produce a statistically significant decrease in support. These findings are consistent with prior research suggesting, even in democracies, that legal prohibitions on torture have been ineffective.

Torture as Theatre in Papua

Abstract: Conceptualised as theatre, this article examines 431 codified cases of torture in Papua during 1963-2010 as well as 214 testimonies of torture survivors, state actors and third parties in order to explore the interplay and dynamics of four interrelated elements: rationalities that underpin the web of power relations, techniques of domination, actors with their multiple and fluid identities as well as their motivational postures Theatricality proffers a new analytical lens to examine half a century of state-sponsored brutality surrounded by virtually complete impunity and denials which leaves a little space to escape the theatre It discloses ‘the art of government,’ the way the Indonesia state exhibits its sovereign power to govern Papua

Interventions for treating persistent pain in survivors of torture: protocol

Abstract: BACKGROUND Persistent (chronic) pain is a frequent complaint in survivors of torture, particularly but not exclusively pain in the musculoskeletal system. Torture survivors may have no access to health care; where they do, they may not be recognised when they present, and the care available often falls short of their needs. There is a tendency in state and non-governmental organisations' services to focus on mental health, with poor understanding of persistent pain, while survivors may have many other legal, welfare, and social problems that take precedence over health care. OBJECTIVES To assess the efficacy of interventions for treating persistent pain and associated problems in survivors of torture. SEARCH METHODS We searched for randomised controlled trials (RCTs) published in any language in CENTRAL, MEDLINE, Embase, Web of Science, CINAHL, LILACS, and PsycINFO, from database inception to 1 February 2017. We also searched trials registers and grey literature databases. SELECTION CRITERIA RCTs of interventions of any type (medical, physical, psychological) compared with any alternative intervention or no intervention, and with a pain outcome. Studies needed to have at least 10 participants in each arm for inclusion. DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS We identified 3578 titles in total after deduplication; we selected 24 full papers to assess for eligibility. We requested data from two completed trials without published results.We used standard methodological procedures expected by Cochrane. We assessed risk of bias and extracted data. We calculated standardised mean difference (SMD) and effect sizes with 95% confidence intervals (CI). We assessed the evidence using GRADE and created a 'Summary of findings' table. MAIN RESULTS Three small published studies (88 participants) met the inclusion criteria, but one had been retracted from publication because of ethical problems concerned with confidentiality and financial irregularities. Since these did not affect the data, the study was retained in this review. Despite the search including any intervention, only two types were represented in the eligible studies: two trials used cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) with biofeedback versus waiting list on unspecified persistent pain (58 participants completed treatment), and one examined the effect of complex manual therapy versus self-treatment on low back pain (30 participants completed treatment). Excluded studies were largely either not RCTs or did not report pain as an outcome.There was no difference for the outcome of pain relief at the end of treatment between CBT and waiting list (two trials, 58 participants; SMD -0.05, 95% CI -1.23 to 1.12) (very low quality evidence); one of these reported a three-month follow-up with no difference between intervention and comparison (28 participants; SMD -0.03, 95% CI -0.28 to 0.23) (very low quality evidence). The manual therapy trial also reported no difference between complex manual therapy and self-treatment (30 participants; SMD -0.48, 95% CI -9.95 to 0.35) (very low quality evidence). Two studies reported dropouts, one with partial information on reasons; none of the studies reported adverse effects.There was no information from any study on the outcomes of use of analgesics or quality of life.Reduction in disability showed no difference at the end of treatment between CBT and waiting list (two trials, 57 participants; SMD -0.39, 95% CI -1.17 to 0.39) (very low quality evidence); one of these reported a three-month follow-up with no difference between intervention and comparison (28 participants; SMD 0, 95% CI -0.74 to 0.74) (very low quality evidence). The manual therapy trial reported superiority of complex manual therapy over self-treatment for reducing disability (30 participants; SMD -1.10, 95% CI - 1.88 to -0.33) (very low quality evidence).Reduction in distress showed no difference at the end of treatment between CBT and waiting list (two trials, 58 participants; SMD 0.07, 95% CI -0.46 to 0.60) (very low quality evidence); one of these reported a three-month follow-up with no difference between intervention and comparison (28 participants; SMD -0.24, 95% CI -0.50 to 0.99) (very low quality evidence). The manual therapy trial reported superiority of complex manual therapy over self-treatment for reducing distress (30 participants; SMD -1.26, 95% CI - 2.06 to -0.47) (very low quality evidence).The risk of bias was considered high given the small number of trials, small size of trials, and the likelihood that each was underpowered for the comparisons it reported. We primarily downgraded the quality of the evidence due to small numbers in trials, lack of intention-to-treat analyses, high unaccounted dropout, lack of detail on study methods, and CIs around effect sizes that included no effect, benefit, and harm. AUTHORS' CONCLUSIONS There is insufficient evidence to support or refute the use of any intervention for persistent pain in survivors of torture.

A Critical Assessment of the New Department of Defense Law of War Manual

Abstract: In June 2015 the Department of Defense (DoD) General Counsel issued a 1,200 page manual providing unified guidance on the law governing armed conflict. Unfortunately, despite such positive attributes as an unequivocal condemnation of torture, it is badly flawed. Sporadic criticism, notably media outrage over its treatment of the press, led DoD to issue a slightly revised 2016 version, mostly making cosmetic changes to language about reporters.This article provides the first comprehensive critique, noting the manual’s uncertain hierarchical status or legal effect given its express disclaimer to not “necessarily reflect...the views of the U.S. Government as a whole.” Stylistically, it is twice the length it should be, suffering from unnecessary repetition and internal inconsistencies. The manual’s substantive shortcomings are more significant than its literary vices, including basic errors in international law and idiosyncratic views that are outdated, unsupported by credible authority, or even counter to larger U.S. interests. Its treatment of proportionality, for example, endeavors to shift the greater burden for avoiding civilian casualties from the attacker to the defender. It makes a poorly supported claim of a U.S. right to use expanding bullets despite widespread recognition as a war crime. And it fails to enumerate which provisions of, the First and Second Additional Geneva Protocols of 1977 (AP I and II) – are binding on U.S. forces even though that was the original impetus for developing a joint U.S. manual.The article concludes that the volume should be officially withdrawn until it can be brought up to an appropriate professional standard, or replaced with a manual more faithfully serving the law, U.S. military forces, and America’s true national interests.