Showing papers on "Underdevelopment published in 1976"
01 Oct 1976
495 citations
TL;DR: A review of the different perspectives from which the problem of national development has been approached by sociology can be found in this article, where the main trend noted is movement from earlier extrapolations of theories based on the unique European experience to more historically grounded analyses.
Abstract: This paper reviews the different perspectives from which the problem of national development has been approached by sociology. General characteristics of the problem of development and definitions of the term are discussed in the introductory sections. The perspectives reviewed are labeled "development as social differentiation," "development as enactment of values," and "development as liberation from dependency." The main trend noted is movement from earlier extrapolations of theories based on the unique European experience to more historically grounded analyses. Recent approaches to development are not without limitations, and these are reviewed, as are those of earlier evolutionary and psychosocial perspectives. The study of national development occupies a paradoxical position within sociology. From classical times to the present, it has had a central place in the minds of theorists concerned with the transition toward more advanced social stages. At the same time, familiarity with the concrete historical experiences of countries in the "underdeveloped" world has remained a tangential preoccupation. This is especially true with regard to the actual dilemmas faced by nations attempting to break away from their past and move toward different models of the future. A major gap appears to exist between theoretical perspectives chosen by modern sociology and recurrent dilemmas and concrete restrictions faced by the nonindustrialized world. In part, the paradox which makes of "development" both a central and an esoteric concern within sociology stems from the confluence of two different major themes. One is the century-and-a-half-old recapitulation of major processes of change which occurred in Europe beginning in the 16th century. The other is the more recent comparison between countries that are "developed"-wealthy, industrialized, technologically advanced, militarily powerful, politically stable, etc.-and those that are at different stages of "underdevelopment." The first theme has generated a vast literature around the question, What were the forces which impelled Europe to evolve such drastically
180 citations
TL;DR: The Kuhnian concept of a scientific revolution can be usefully applied to development economics to explain how the predominant "paradigm", exemplified by the works of Rostow, is being increasingly challenged by a new "paraddigm" as represented by the writings of Gunder Frank as discussed by the authors.
86 citations
TL;DR: The rise and fall of the settler societies in Africa is to be understood in relation to the global expansion and limited contraction of European capitalism, and in the light of the notions of underdevelopment and dependency as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: THE rise and fall of the settler societies in Africa - in Algeria, Kenya, Rhodesia, and South Africa- is to be understood in relation to the global expansion and limited contraction of European capitalism, and in the light of the notions of underdevelopment and dependency.1 In strong contrast with the general experience of the Third World, settler societies show a capacity for independent capitalist development,2 built upon the heavy exploitation of African land and labour, and policies of economic nationalism externally. They thereby avoid relegation to the periphery of the world system as perpetual suppliers of raw materials, and as providers of dependent domestic markets for the manufactures of the metropole. In the process, the colon state assumes an ambivalent position in relation to imperialism in that it co-operates with the metropole, providing a secure and cheap occupation of a strategic area in return for political support and military aid. Settler societies represent a further exception to the general colonial situation in the appearance of relatively advanced class formations as the consequence of a more real capitalist development. These new urban and rural elements take shape in relation to permanent, total settler domination. Unlike the early decolonisation offered directly to new elites by imperialism elsewhere, the social classes in settler societies are constantly forced towards growth and militant action. The ultimate
66 citations
TL;DR: It is asserted that a major public health task is to deliberately and actively contribute to the political mobilization of forces aimed at bringing about profound changes in the pattern of control of the authors' working insitutions and of the distribution of wealth and political power, changes which seek to shift that control from the few to the many.
Abstract: This article presents the health conditions of working America, and provides an analysis of the causes of that situation. It is postulated that the main health problems in the U.S. are due not to prevalent life styles-as the behavioralists indicate-but to the dramatic maldistribution of economic and political power in our society, with the absence of control by the majority of the U.S. population-the working and lower-middle classes-over the work process with which they are involved, the economic wealth that they produce, and the political institutions that they pay for. The production of goods and wealth as well as the political institutions of the United States are dominated and controlled by a minority of our population-the corporate and upper-middle classes. Empirical information is presented to support this postulate. In light of this explanation, it is asserted that a major public health task is to deliberately and actively contribute to the political mobilization of forces aimed at bringing about profound changes in the pattern of control of our working insitutions and of the distribution of wealth and political power, changes which seek to shift that control from the few to the many.
43 citations
39 citations
TL;DR: Dependency theory has emerged from two different perspectives: on the one hand it is a repudiation of bourgeois sociology and its interpretations of Latin American history, opposing such theories as that of structural dualism, functionalism in all its interpretations and, of course, the "desarrollista" approaches as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Dependency theory has developed from two different perspectives: on the one hand it is a repudiation of bourgeois sociology and its interpretations of Latin American history, opposing such theories as that of structural dualism, functionalism in all its interpretations and, of course, the "desarrollista" approaches. It has served a positive critical function without which it is impossible to imagine the current orientation of academic sociology in Latin America. On the other hand it emerges in conflict with, and as an alternative to, what has been called "traditional" Marxism. A certain paradox exists in that dependency theory criticizes bourgeois thinking from a perspective near to Marxism, while at the same time it criticizes Marxism-Leninism from a perspective full of concepts taken from bourgeois social sciences and the "desarrollista" approaches. The best example of this confusion in dependency theory is the discussion on feudalism and capitalism in Latin America: to make sense of Andre Gunder Frank's thesis that Latin America has been capitalist since the Spanish-Portuguese conquest one has to abandon Marx's notion of capitalism and equate capitalism simply with money economy. Dependency theory has in fact sought to become a "neoMarxism" without Marx. The ambiguity which arises from this has even weakened the criticism made of bourgeois theories of development and underdevelopment, in that the critics remain very much within their frames of reference. An example is provided by Gunder Frank's polemic on whether Parsons' universal values are more characteristic of underdeveloped than developed countries (Frank:1969b). This overlooks the main problem with Parsons' analysis which is that of substituting superficial effects and their consideration for the analysis of the underlying structures. The same could be said of Rodolfo Stavenhagen's treatment of structural dualism (1968). Although he criticizes the use of this concept, he merely transposes meanings and continues to utilize it. Thus, no longer is the traditional sector responsible for underdevelopment, but rather
35 citations
TL;DR: This article argued that black African countries are all characterised by extreme forms of underdevelopment and that this situation is produced by the dependency of African states on more developed countries that is a consequence of the continent's common historical experience of economic exploitation by European-organised mercantilism, the slave trade, imperialism, and colonialism.
Abstract: Samir Amin has recently argued that black African countries are all characterised by extreme forms of underdevelopment. In his view, this situation is produced by the dependency of African states on more developed countries that is a consequence of the continent's common historical experience of economic exploitation by European-organised mercantilism, the slave trade, imperialism, and colonialism. Moreover, via the mechanisms of western-based neo-colonialism, African under-development has been perpetuated, and perhaps even increased, during the achievement of political independence over the past 25 years.
TL;DR: The starting point of underdevelopment theory is the period in which any given region of today's "third world" began to be progressively incorporated into a permanent relationship with the expanding capitalist economy as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The author's perspective is clear from his initial page: 'Anyone looking for the origins of the theory of underdevelopment must begin his search in the writings of Marx and Lenin.' He argues that, 'The starting-point of underdevelopment theory is the period in which any given region of today's "third world" began to be progressively incorporated into a permanent relationship with the expanding capitalist economy.' Colin Leys then expands the central propositions to his analytic framework:
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of Japanese MNCs in Southeast Asia raises doubts concerning the likelihood that the poor countries will be able to harness MNC for their development, at least in the softer Third World states.
Abstract: The dramatic transformation of the climate surrounding relations between rich and poor nations since the OPEC oil embargo in 1973 has raised new hopes that MNCs may be made to energize development in the Third World Improved information about the vulnerability of the rich nations and about techniques for dealing with MNCs, some writers argue, will enable underdeveloped countries to ensure that foreign investment serves as an “engine of development” This view exaggerates the strengths of Third World states A lack of information about opportunities and techniques is a small part of the burden which underdevelopment imposes on poor countries in their dealings with MNCs A case study of Japanese MNCs in Southeast Asia raises doubts concerning the likelihood that the poor countries will be able to harness MNCs for their development Southeast Asia's growing dependence on Japan in the fields of trade, official development aid, and private investment tends to impose constraints on efforts to influence the behavior of MNCs A more basic problem resides in the “softness” of underdeveloped states, which renders ineffectual regulations intended to control MNCs Because MNCs in certain important respects inhibit the process of building viable indigenous institutions and even contribute to the perpetuation of soft states, they may do more to impede than to stimulate development, at least in the softer Third World states It may well be that more serious attention should be paid to studies of how Third World states might develop if the role of MNCs were circumscribed
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a brief but useful summary of Kay's book, fully acknowledging the importance of its contribution to the current debate, and criticise Kay for omitting any discussion of the internationalisation of capital in the present period of large-scale industrialisation in the Third World, and of the politics of oppression.
Abstract: The article provides a brief but useful summary of Kay's book, fully acknowledging the importance of its contribution to the current debate. Bernstein does not agree, though, with Kay's emphasis on the category of merchant capital as central to the development of underdevelopment, as he does not think that it explains the changes in the conditions and relations of production in the Third World. He also criticises Kay for omitting any discussion of the internationalisation of capital in the present period of large‐scale industrialisation in the Third World, and of the politics of oppression. The level of abstraction on which Kay's analysis operates is seen as both its strength and its weakness.
TL;DR: A barrage of sociological theories have been put forward to explain Latin American underdevelopment: the fact that the hemisphere came later in economic development than European capitalism; the tropical climate which exempted Latin America from the main line of economic development; the point that the area was settled along its coastal regions, leaving interior areas in a backward condition as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Latin America has been plagued by doctrines of exceptionalism, by assumptions that its '"laws" of development are different and distinct from those of the rest of the world, including even the rest of the Third World. There are endless naive explanations for the exceptional qualities of Latin America. Historians have posited the sloth of its Indian population, the ruthlessness of Conquistador invaders, subsequent racial miscegenation, forced absorption of the native population into the Roman Catholic faith, and the immediate gratification demanded by Catholics in contrast to Protestants from the Northern Hemisphere who presumably opted for postponed gratification. A barrage of sociological theories has been put forward to explain Latin American underdevelopment: the fact that the hemisphere came later in economic development than European capitalism; the tropical climate which exempted Latin America from the main line of economic development; the point that the area was settled along its coastal regions, leaving interior areas in a backward condition. Because it was primarily linked to Spain and Portugal, Latin America remained outside the grip of the most advanced industrial nations of Europe as well as outside the orbit of formal democratic styles of rule. These theoretical explanations all attempted to show that Latin America is exempt from general laws of social and economic development. There are many variations of the theme of exceptionalism-some too idiosyncratic, others too insignificant to repeat. Each leads to the conclusion that Latin America does not follow any general laws of development. Area specialists have supported arguments for Latin American exceptionalism in some measure because those who concentrate on a foreign setting want to feel that there is something unique about the particular area, something dissimilar from the rest of the world; but also because Latin American studies as a North American profession evolved quite apart from, and antecedent to, Third World studies. However, the psychological propensities of researchers must obviously yield to the social and political realities of the area. In recent years efforts have been made to reintegrate Latin America with the rest of the world. One such scheme is the dependency model which was strongly influenced by a neo-Marxian economic perspective.
TL;DR: In this paper, an analysis of dependence and underdevelopment in the context of mineral resources in the Irish Republic has been presented, by way of an empirical analysis of the impact of the Third World on the Irish economy.
Abstract: Dependence and underdevelopment are the results of the penetration of
capitalism into societies which were pre-capitalist in the past. The
emergence of capitalism in central Europe and its expansion to
incorporate all of Europe and later all of the world into its framework
marked the beginning of the process of dependence. This situation was
first established through direct colonialism and continues today in the
form of Neo-colonialism. (Incorporation into the world capitalist system
has never been on equal terms.) Such inequality manifests itself primarily
between classes but also within space. Recent studies within geography
have concentrated upon documenting this process with regard to what
has been called the \"Third World,\" (and as a result there has been little, if
no, assessment of the impact of Imperialism upon the \"Metropole\" or
\"centre\"). 1 This paper seeks to redress this imbalance, by way of an
empirical analysis of dependence and underdevelopment in the context
of mineral resources in the Irish Republic.
01 Mar 1976
TL;DR: In this article, the transnationalisation thesis in a Kenyan context is investigated in terms of partners in underdevelopment and transnationalization in the context of Kenyan underdevelopment, and the authors propose a model of the Transnationalization thesis in the Kenyan context.
Abstract: (1976). Partners in underdevelopment? The transnationalisation thesis in a Kenyan context. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 42-63.
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined urbanization in East Africa from three related perspectives: as an expression of the set of societal values which most forcefully influences locational decision making at a given point in time; as a primary component in the system of spatial organization which enmeshes the population of East Africa into particular patterns of social and spatial interaction; and as an empirical framework within which to assess on a normative basis the causes and consequences of contemporary problems of economic social and political development and the efforts made by the independent states of Kenya Tanzania and Uganda to deal with them.
Abstract: Discussion focuses on the patterns of urbanization which have been unfolding in East Africa since the early 1960s when the 3 constituent territories of Kenya Tanzania and Uganda achieved their independence from Great Britain. Contemporary urbanization in East Africa cannot be understood apart from the more pervasive process of underdevelopment initiated during the period of European colonial contact and continuing today within the context of international economic relations. Urbanization in East Africa is examined from 3 related perspectives: as an expression of the set of societal values which most forcefully influences locational decision making at a given point in time; as a primary component in the system of spatial organization which enmeshes the population of East Africa into particular patterns of social and spatial interaction; and as an empirical framework within which to assess on a normative basis the causes and consequences of contemporary problems of economic social and political development and the efforts made by the independent states of Kenya Tanzania and Uganda to deal with them. Urbanization in East Africa since independence has been tightly constrained by the colonial legacy of underdevelopment and the dependent spatial structures it imposed. Despite the efforts of the independent African governments to transform their colonial inheritance urban development since 1960 has been little more than an intensification of already existing patterns and relationships and the more open manifestation of problems inherent to the political economy. This has been particularly evident in Kenya the most deeply underdeveloped of the 3 territories during the colonial period. Whereas Kenya has clearly followed a preeminently capitalist path allowing the entry of some Africans into the dominant elite but changing little else Tanzania and to some extent Uganda have attempted radically different courses and to a great extent have managed to weaken the structures of dependency upon foreign and domestic capital. It has nevertheless been very difficult to reorder the powerfully engrained spatial infrastructure of underdevelopment which persists despite substantial ideological attitudinal and institutional divergence. Given the severity of current urban problems and the still tenacious hold of colonially generated social and spaital structures it is no surprise that the East African states particularly Tanzania and Kenya have devoted major policy attention to the planned restructuring of their settlement systems. The most radical spatial policies have been introduced in Tanzania where a series of weakly integrated programs have been established.
TL;DR: The military government in Peru appears to be something of an exception as discussed by the authors, since its first President, General Velasco, stayed in office for nearly seven years, and his successor, General Morales Bermudez, has promised that the nature of the regime will not be drastically changed.
Abstract: Most recent literature on military government is extremely skeptical of the possibility of effective military reformism. This scepticism, encouraged by various behavioural hypotheses, has been further strengthened by a number of cross-sectional analyses, which seem to show that most military governments are unstable, conservative, and indifferent at economic management.1 The military government in Peru, therefore, appears to be something of an exception. Its first President, General Velasco, stayed in office for nearly seven years, and his successor, General Morales Bermudez, has promised that the nature of the regime will not be drastically changed. Even more important, the Government claims to have carried out a comprehensive set of agrarian, industrial and social reforms that were aimed at bringing Peru out of its former underdevelopment. Moreover, the Government has claimed to have achieved all this during a seven-year period in which the conventional criteria of economic success – a substantial growth in real income per capita, a moderate rate of inflation and a reasonably stable exchange rate – also appear to have been met.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide an overall view of the historical development of Greek capitalism, whereas in Part II an attempt was made to examine, critically and in the light of the Greek case, some crucial debates in the sociology of development literature.
Abstract: Part I of this book provided an overall view of the historical development of Greek capitalism, whereas in Part II an attempt was made to examine, critically and in the light of the Greek case, some crucial debates in the sociology of development literature. These two frameworks (the historial and the theoretical) laid the ground for a closer examination of the relationship between class structure and politics in certain crucial phases of Greek underdevelopment. The aim in Part III is not to give a systematic account of the development of Greek society and polity from the nineteenth century onwards; but rather to focus selectively on certain ‘turning-points’ in this trajectory.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Underdevelopment theory is under some attack, from those who feel it is still too much tied up with development theory as discussed by the authors, which accepts the development theorists' formulation of the problem, that is, as the word ''underdevelopment" implies, a relative lack of something called ''development"".
Abstract: Underdevelopment theory is under some attack, from those who feel it is still too much tied up with development theory. It accepts the development theorists' formulation of the problem, that is, as the word ""underdevelopment"" implies, a relative lack of something called ""development"".
TL;DR: The authors suggest a broad historical framework in which the changing patterns of external and internal forces can be identified and sytematically related, and integrate an understanding of imperialism into theories of Latin American develop-
Abstract: The history of the nations of Latin America cannot be understood without seriously considering the continuing influences exerted on these societies by European and North American economic penetration. There is little disagreement about this statement, but there is considerable disagreement about the quality and magnitude of these foreign influences and how their role can most fruitfully be incorporated into a consistent and useful analysis of historical change. The central purpose of this essay is to suggest a broad historical framework in which the changing patterns of external and internal forces can be identified and sytematically related. This effort requires that an understanding of imperialism be integrated into theories of Latin American develop-
TL;DR: The relationship between the two processes is neither inevitable nor predictable: it can only be discerned by empirically based analysis of the economic and political options and conditions pertaining in a particular case, and must be examined against the historical background of that case.
Abstract: A narrowly economic definition of development may distort the realities of backwardness, even where social and psychological variables are admitted. My own article on 'Conditions of non-Development in Lesotho'1 apparently does so: a number of Basuto, while tolerent of the analysis, have contested the pessimistic inference. I have since attempted to deal with this discrepancy by taking the sence of advance as seriously as I there took measurable improvements in GNP and/or in material standards of life.2 The following note recasts the case of Lesotho in terms of advance or sense of advance in autonomy. Much of the current plethora of 'development literature' could be classified according to the relationship seen, by each writer, between dependence and development. But there is little indication that either might be measured by otherthan-economic criteria, nor is there much agreement on the way they interact. At one extreme is the view that development leads a country out of dependence, that this effect is, indeed, both the function and purpose of development. At the other extreme it is argued that development increases dependence, inexorably fostering the development of underdevelopment by increasing the gap between the rich and the poor.3 I see two reasons for this polarization. First, the relationship between the two processes is neither inevitable nor predictable: it can only be discerned by empirically based analysis of the economic and political options and conditions pertaining in a particular case, and must be examined against the historical background of that case. Secondly and equally, the relationship depends on the definitions entailed. What is development? A few years ago it was fashionable to debate the necessary criteria;4 lately its meaning is largely assumed-despite the fact that its value load alters drastically with context. On the one hand 'development' is good for Africa. On the other, the 'developers' of