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Showing papers on "Underdevelopment published in 1984"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The demographic, ecological, and infrastructural effects of extractive export economies differ significantly from those of productive economies as discussed by the authors, and they are examined through a case study of the sequence of extraction export economies in the Amazon Basin from the time of colonial conquest to the present.
Abstract: The demographic, ecological, and infrastructural effects of extractive economies differ significantly from those of productive economies. Analysis of underdevelopment in extractive export economies requires time-lagged models of the cumulative effects of the sequence of local modes of extraction organized in response to world-system demands. Such a model, organized aroud the predominance of specific commodities at different times, is derived from a critical synthesis of various theories of development and underdevelopment. The propositions in this model are examined through a case study of the sequence of extractive export economies in the Amazon Basin from the time of colonial conquest to the present.

319 citations


Book
01 Jan 1984
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an introduction to the latest debates in the sociology of development, linking theoretical and empirical issues of social change through reference to the Third World, and explore the policy implications of different development models.
Abstract: An introduction to the latest debates in the sociology of development, linking theoretical and empirical issues of social change through reference to the Third World. This book covers conceptions of modernisation and underdevelopment and points to new attempts at their synthesis and explores the policy implications of different development models.

176 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, military coups d'etat are the principal form of regime change, and they can happen under any type of political system, such as a functioning democracy, a personalistic civilian dictatorship, or an already existing military junta.
Abstract: The August 1983 overthrow of Major Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo by Captain Thomas Sankara in Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), the New Year's Eve abrupt termination in Nigeria of Black Africa's largest multi-party democracy, and the decision by the Guinean army in April 1984 to remove their party leaders after the death of President Sekou Toure, illustrate two of the most salient realities of contemporary African politics: (1) military coups d'etat are the principal form of regime change, and (2) they can happen under any type of political system–a functioning democracy, a personalistic civilian dictatorship, or an already existing military junta1

160 citations


Book
01 Jan 1984
TL;DR: Bolivia is a country with a reputation, writes James Dunkerley as mentioned in this paper, for political disorder, for Che Guevara, for whose death its citizens are on occasions held to be collectively responsible.
Abstract: Bolivia is a country with a reputation, writes James Dunkerley. Not so long ago it was for Che Guevara, for whose death its citizens are on occasions held to be collectively responsible. More recently it has been for cocaine. But in general it is for political disorder. "Rebellion in the Veins"demonstrates that behind the succession of coups lies an exceptional and coherent record of political struggle. The country s location at the heart of Latin America has not, however, guaranteed it the attention it deserves. Dunkerley here redresses the balance in a masterly survey of Bolivian society since the early 1950s. The revolution of 1952 was, with the Cuban revolution, the most radical attempt in the western hemisphere since the Second World War to break the cycle of capitalist underdevelopment. It was channeled into a more familiar pattern of repression and dictatorship only after bitter struggles, and Dunkerley analyses the pressures that compromised it, providing lucid accounts of the country s economy, political history and class structure, as well as its relations with the United States. The succession of military dictatorships from 1964 to 1982 are described, but this period was by no means one of unrelieved quietude. There was an extraordinarily vital popular resistance, and the unusual sophistication of working-class politics forms a stirring narrative. The tragic death of Che, after a doomed rural guerrilla campaign in eastern Bolivia, had a profound effect on the country s politics. The fate of his imitators, and the eventual resurgence of more classical forms of mass struggle, has provided valuable lessons for what Dunkerley predicts will be a second Bolivian revolution. The story is carried through to the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1982, presided over by Hernan Siles Zuazo, who first came to power in the revolution thirty years earlier."

130 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors give an overview of the problems of underdevelopment confronting third-world countries, making use of both Marxist and neo-Keynesian methods of analysis.
Abstract: The division of the world into rich and poor nations, and the division within poor nations between a minority of rich people and a majority of poor people living at a minimum subsistence level, has been obvious to careful observers for a long time. This book gives an overview of the problems of underdevelopment confronting third-world countries, making use of both Marxist and neo-Keynesian methods of analysis. It makes clear the historical origins of these contemporary problems, particularly with reference to the major countries of Asia and Latin America, and discusses the ways in which inequalities, both within and between countries, are propaged and perpetuated. Other problems analysed are the typical patterns of fluctuating growth faced by third-world countries; the social structures in both rural and urban areas and their influence on the behaviour of governments and private investors in these countries; and environmental control and population planning issues faced by these countries. Finally, an introduction is provided to the planning methods adopted by most third-world countries and the hurdles such planning has encountered. The illustrations are drawn widely from among third-world countries.

118 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The article analyzes the Willy Brandt Commission Report and the WHO Alma Ata Declaration within the socio-economic and political context that determined them and makes a critique of the ideological and political assumptions that both documents make.

82 citations


Book
31 Oct 1984
TL;DR: Theories of Comparative Politics: the Search for a Paradigm Reconsidered, Second Edition as mentioned in this paper, 2.0-8133-1017-2 Theories of comparative politics
Abstract: 0-8133-1017-2 Theories of Comparative Politics : the Search for a Paradigm Reconsidered, Second Edition

79 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors contrast liberal Marxist and Marxist-feminist positions on economic modernization and Third World women, arguing that poverty is a structural feature of a capitalist system that prioritizes profits over human needs.
Abstract: This article contrasts liberal Marxist and Marxist-feminist positions on economic modernization and Third World women. Liberal feminism rooted in a belief in the inherent viability of the capitalist system asserts that underdevelopment in the Third World is caused by traditional values and social structures. It is argued that the basis for development lies in the diffusion of values capital technology and political institutions from the West. The goal is to accomplish the fuller integration of women into the formal sectors of Third World economies. The limitation of this approach represented by the Women in Development school is its insistence that women can be integrated into more fulfilling forms of employment within the hierarchical political-economic and ideological structures of the capitalist world system. Unlike the liberal perspective the Marxist perspective argues that poverty is a structural feature of a capitalist system that prioritizes profits over human needs. Womens oppression is regarded as inextricably linked with class oppression precluding the liberation of women within the prevailing capitalist world system. The Marxist perspective helps us to understand the interaction of sexual oppression with class oppression and imperialism. However it is less useful in understanding issues such as the cultural and psychological dimensions of sexual stratification or the changing relations between men and women under capitalism. A synthesis between Marxism which focuses on the effects of the economy on women and radical feminism which is concerned with the structure of male domination enables a dialectical analysis of patriarchy and capitalism. Marxist-feminism has the potential to analyze the realities of the feminization of poverty female-headed households changing sexual mores and the presence of the patriarchal state. To be of value Marxist-feminist analysis must take into account the experiences of poor Third World women rather than apply the white middle class experience globally. The issue of women in development must become central to feminis theory if feminism is to transcend its middle class bias.

75 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors contrast liberal Marxist and Marxist-feminist positions on economic modernization and Third World women, arguing that poverty is a structural feature of a capitalist system that prioritizes profits over human needs.
Abstract: This article contrasts liberal Marxist and Marxist-feminist positions on economic modernization and Third World women. Liberal feminism rooted in a belief in the inherent viability of the capitalist system asserts that underdevelopment in the Third World is caused by traditional values and social structures. It is argued that the basis for development lies in the diffusion of values capital technology and political institutions from the West. The goal is to accomplish the fuller integration of women into the formal sectors of Third World economies. The limitation of this approach represented by the Women in Development school is its insistence that women can be integrated into more fulfilling forms of employment within the hierarchical political-economic and ideological structures of the capitalist world system. Unlike the liberal perspective the Marxist perspective argues that poverty is a structural feature of a capitalist system that prioritizes profits over human needs. Womens oppression is regarded as inextricably linked with class oppression precluding the liberation of women within the prevailing capitalist world system. The Marxist perspective helps us to understand the interaction of sexual oppression with class oppression and imperialism. However it is less useful in understanding issues such as the cultural and psychological dimensions of sexual stratification or the changing relations between men and women under capitalism. A synthesis between Marxism which focuses on the effects of the economy on women and radical feminism which is concerned with the structure of male domination enables a dialectical analysis of patriarchy and capitalism. Marxist-feminism has the potential to analyze the realities of the feminization of poverty female-headed households changing sexual mores and the presence of the patriarchal state. To be of value Marxist-feminist analysis must take into account the experiences of poor Third World women rather than apply the white middle class experience globally. The issue of women in development must become central to feminis theory if feminism is to transcend its middle class bias.

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article analyzes the Willy Brandt Commission Report and the WHO Alma Ata Declaration within the socioeconomic and political context that determined them, and makes a critique of the ideological and political assumptions that both documents make.
Abstract: This article analyzes the Willy Brandt Commission Report and the WHO Alma Ata Declaration within the socioeconomic and political context that determined them, and makes a critique of the ideological and political assumptions that both documents make. Through an assumedly apolitical and technological-administrative discourse, both documents reproduce the major positions upheld by the hegemonic development establishments of the Western world. Through a study of what is being said and not said, the article analyzes how these positions appear in the documents. It is indicated that 1) their understanding of the causes of underdevelopment and its major health and disease problems, and 2) their suggestions for change based on “moral calls for social justice” and “enlightened self-interest” are faulty and insufficient. Alternative explanations and solutions are presented.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Aymara households in southern Peru pursue a diversified production strategy that combines subsistence agriculture with participation in several capitalist economic activities as mentioned in this paper, which is possible because the labor requirements for the respective activities are roughly complementary.
Abstract: Aymara households in southern Peru pursue a diversified production strategy that combines subsistence agriculture with participation in several capitalist economic activities. This is possible because the labor requirements for the respective activities are roughly complementary. However, complementarity at the empirical level of labor allocation is not indicative of structural complementarity between capitalist and household production. The diversified production strategy described reflects local efforts to respond to a situation in which no single activity yields sufficient revenues to cover the costs of household maintenance and reproduction. It also illustrates how surplus value is extracted from rural households to subsidize capitalist expansion. The result is a continuing process of rural underdevelopment and impoverishment. The implications of this case for development programs built around the preservation of household production are explored.


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The role of transnational corporations (TNCs), the major source of foreign direct investment (FDI), in less developed countries (LDCs) has been discussed in this paper.
Abstract: One of the most colourful and fluid debates in development economics, which has inspired a vast literature, relates to the role of transnational corporations (TNCs), the major source of foreign direct investment (FDI), in less developed countries (LDCs). Time was when opinion was sharply divided on the issue, between those who regarded TNCs and FDI to be no more than instruments of neo-colonialism designed for the political and economic exploitation of LDCs and those who regarded them as the panacea for the development problem. Fortunately, in recent years, the ardour of both camps has cooled. Now while few regard FDI to be the sole solution for the problem of underdevelopment, there is a growing realisation that it is not a zero-sum game and both the TNCs and LDCs stand to gain from it.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Articulation is the most distinctive and important concept to emerge from the Marxist critique of dependency theory in the so-called "modes of production controversy." It has become, however, increasingly controversial and must be approached with care to sort out the various meanings attributed to it and the serious conceptual problems as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: "Articulation" is the most distinctive and important concept to emerge from the Marxist critique of dependency theory in the so-called "modes of production controversy." It has become, however, increasingly controversial and must be approached with care to sort out the various meanings attributed to it and the serious conceptual problems which some of them present. Articulation was initially developed from the structuralist concept of a "social formation" consisting of the hierarchic linkage of several modes of production under the dominance of the capitalist mode as a vehicle for explaining underdevelopment and the apparent persistence of pre-capitalist forms and relations of production at the periphery of the global system. The focus of the issue was the continuity of the peasantry as the most numerous segment of the population in Africa. The key problem was to answer the question, "How does capitalism become dominant in regions such as Africa without replicating itself in each instance?" This question, in turn, is derived from Marx's notion of the "formal subsumption of labor," since "capital always takes labor as it finds it" so that "the question is what it does with labor" (Cooper 1981, 14). After a century of colonial rule and independent national existence in Africa "the relations of production in which the peasantry are involved are necessarily posed in relation to the development of capital;" in analysing the persistence of the peasantry "the passive notion of "survival" is dropped and the question changes to that of the reproduction of the peasantry and its functions for imperialism" (Bernstein 1977, 4).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it is observed that what to many students ofEuropean expansion has appeared to constitute the essential element intheir ability to explore, gain access to, and exploit the periphery, has been completely neglected: ocean transport, or to put it differently, themain body of the infrastructure of the world economy.
Abstract: An extensive body of literature has grown up in recent years devoted to the analysis of the causes of what is certainly the most pressing economic issue of our time: the unequal distribution of the world's wealth and income, and in particular what in shorthand may be called ‘the underdevelopment of the Third World’. Tremendous progress has been made by radical as well as more conventional social scientists, and our understanding of the processes of interaction, economic as well as otherwise, between the metropolitan core of western colonial powers and indigenous societies in the periphery has benefited commensurately. Naturally, the debate has tended to focus on the major sectorsinvolved in the processes of economic growth and modernization, agriculture and industry, with infrastructure a poor third. Nevertheless, it is somewhat surprising to observe that what to many students ofEuropean expansion has appeared to constitute the essential element intheir ability to explore, gain access to, and exploit the periphery, hasbeen completely neglected: ocean transport, or to put it differently, themain body of the infrastructure of the world economy. In some ways, no dependence is felt to be so absolute as that of the country that sees itscoastal traffic dominated and its exports carried by foreign-owned ships.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of material culture and geography is relatively new and underdeveloped in most fields of history, but this underdevelopment is particularly acute for the history of the Middle East since the rise of Islam as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The study of material culture and geography is relatively new and underdeveloped in most fields of history, but this underdevelopment is particularly acute for the history of the Middle East since the rise of Islam. Although, for most historians, the period when nearly everything in Middle Eastern history was ascribed to Islam has passed, and there is a new awareness of socioeconomic factors, discussions of these factors often overstress trade or center almost exclusively around dependent relations with the West, virtually ignoring specific internal developments in Middle Eastern material culture and ecology that help explain Middle Eastern history. This essay will suggest what may be learned from such studies by drawing attention to some of the relevant conclusions of works written on these subjects. It will also show how study of material culture can illuminate phases of development and decline in the Middle East and suggest some reasons why the West overtook and passed the Middle East economically.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an examination of the Chinese and Indian education systems offers an opportunity to compare the world's two most populous countries, which share common, almost insurmountable, problems overcoming the legacies of foreign domination, semifeudalism, and educational underdevelopment, but which differ in their strategies of economic and educational development.
Abstract: An examination of the Chinese and Indian education systems offers an opportunity to compare the world's two most populous countries, which share common, almost insurmountable, problems overcoming the legacies of foreign domination, semifeudalism, and educational underdevelopment' but which differ in their strategies of economic and educational development. At the time of independence in 1947 and liberation in 1949, India and China, respectively, faced the educational problems of massive illiteracy (approximately 85 percent of their adult populations); underdeveloped systems of basic education, which reached less than one-third of the relevant age group; and academic curricula that traditionally had served the narrow interests of domestic elites and foreign colonial powers. These problems, characteristic of most Third World countries, are magnified by the size of the populations of the two countries -China with 1.1 billion and India with 700 million; herculean efforts are required simply to feed and provide basic services to populaces that are increasing by more than 10 million per annum. In tackling these problems, China and India offer dramatic contrasts in their approaches to modernization. Since independence, India has continued within the capitalist mode, although the state plays a greater role in capital formation and investment than in most Western free-market economies; its political system is based on the English parliamentary and United States federal models of government; its strategy of human resource development has been incremental and accommodative, attempting to expand, extend, and democratize education without radically threatening the advantages of already privileged sectors of the society. Since liberation, China's approach to capital accumulation and distribution is best characterized as a "command economy" in which resources, both material and human, are largely allocated by nonmarket mechanisms;2 politically, China is a "unitary and 'socialist state of the dictatorship of the proletariat' based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao

Book
01 Jan 1984
TL;DR: Tipps as discussed by the authors argued that modernization theory is a product of an ethnocentric world view, a reflection of an ideal, especially in 1960's, developed by U.S. social scientists after World War II and representative of the expan- sion of U. S. interests throughout the world.
Abstract: empiricism together with "Weberian ideal approach paradigm of thinking." That is why in most of the modernization theorists' works, the typology of societies has been based on comparative statics In this respect Wallerstein (1979) had this to say: "What was pri­ marily wrong with all the concepts linked to the paradigm of R e p ro d u c e d with p e rm iss ion of th e copyright ow ner. F u r th e r reproduction prohibited without perm iss ion . modernization was that they were so ahistorical" (p. 13*0 • In short, what did not really matter in the works of moderniza­ tion theorists was the past history of the underdeveloped societies being studied. 6. Tipps (1973)> in his critique of the modernization theory, argued that this theory is a product of an ethnocentric world view, a reflection of an ideal, especially in 1960's, developed by U.S. social scientists after World War II and representative of the expan­ sion of U.S. interests throughout the world. According to Tipps (1973) formulation of modernization theory was, at least, partly a response to U.S. policy makers' concern about a long-range solution to the threats of political instability and communism in the Third World. What Huntington (1967) suggested in his famous article, "Politi­ cal Development and Political Decay", concerning the political aspects and consequences of modernization can be supportive of the argument which maintains that modernization theory is basically ethnocentric and ideologically biased. In this article Huntington piaced emphasis on political stability and advocated a control and regulation of the process of modernization by constraining new groups from entering into politics, limiting expo­ sure to mass media and access to higher education, and suppressing the mobilization of the masses. He preferred status quo instead of political instability and social revolution. For him, political decay is the expression of instability and authoritarianism. And authori­ tarianism is somewhat equivalent to communism. For Huntington (1967) stated: R e p ro d u c e d with perm iss ion of th e copyright ow ner. F u r th e r reproduction prohibited without perm iss ion .

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the conventional wisdom of the dependency school about the relationship between development and industrialisation and found that industrialisation is necessary to meet human needs, that underdeveloped countries are in general not succeeding in industrialising, that capital intensive technology is desirable and that industrialization requires more autarky.
Abstract: Recent work by Lipton, Stewart, Warren and others has, from differing standpoints, called into question much of the conventional wisdom of the dependency school (shared by my book Industry and Underdevelopment) about the relationship between development and industrialisation. Four of these arguments ‐ that industrialisation is necessary to meet human needs, that underdeveloped countries are in general not succeeding in industrialising, that capital‐intensive technology is desirable and that industrialisation requires more autarky — are re‐examined. They are all found to be in need of considerable modification; but the general lines of the proferred alternatives to them are for the most part not accepted either. Part of the problem is diagnosed as insufficient concern for the human consequences of ‘actually existing industrialisations’ and too nationalistic a conception of socialism.



Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1984
TL;DR: In this article, historical introduction to Guyanese Society Post-1945 Developments in Guyana Primary Education Teacher Education Secondary Education Post-Secondary and Technical Education Expenditure on Education Conclusion Bibliography
Abstract: Historical Introduction to Guyanese Society Post-1945 Developments in Guyana Primary Education Teacher Education Secondary Education Post-Secondary and Technical Education Expenditure on Education Conclusion Bibliography.


Book
25 Sep 1984
TL;DR: In this paper, the positive and negative impact of multi-national corporations in the Third World is investigated in these chapters, and various roles available to company and host country are explored.
Abstract: Whether foreign investment by transnational and multi-national corporations alleviates or perpetuates underdevelopment is the subject of this volume. Multi-national corporations that inhibit building of indigenous institutions and other structures leading to self-reliance and economic growth impede rather than stimulate development. Both the positive and negative impact of multi-nationals in the Third World is investigated in these chapters. Various roles available to company and host country are explored. Variations in planning and development scenarios and objectives are explored.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The history of the twentieth century only accentuated these contradictions and worsened these handicaps: on the one hand, an exceptionally strong population pressure on the area of cultivated land; and on the other, a radical break between interior China (rural bureaucratic, traditional) and coastal China (cosmopolitan, enterprising, open to innovation) as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Imperial regime bequeathed to its successors a double heritage and a double handicap: on the one hand, an exceptionally strong population pressure on the area of cultivated land; and on the other, a radical break between interior China (rural bureaucratic, traditional) and coastal China (cosmopolitan, enterprising, open to innovation). The history of the twentieth century only accentuated these contradictions and worsened these handicaps. Rooted in its urban bases, the Guomindang regime of 1927–1949 did virually nothing to transfer technology to the countryside, so that the gap between the two Chinas - coastal and interior - widened, and the regime was condemned to be swept away by peasant revolution. As for the People's Republic, by postponing the adoption of a real birth-control program until 1973, it wiped out a large part of the benefits that a policy of modernization extended for the first time ever to the whole country would have brought, and made economic take-off even more difficult in 1981 than it was in 1949.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Botswana has been experiencing one of the fastest rates of urbanization in the world as discussed by the authors, which has created the problems of unemployment and squatter development in its wake, which has been tackled successfully through self-help housing programmes.
Abstract: During the entire 80 years of British colonial rule, Botswana became economically an appendage of South Africa. Underdevelopment manifested itself, among other things, in the lack of urbanization. Urbanization is Largely a post–independence development – a result of political and economic development. There as been a massive rural-urban migration, and as a result Botswana has been experiencing one of the fastest rates of urbanization in the world. This has created the problems of unemployment and squatter development in its wake. The latter problem has happily been tackled successfully through self-help housing programmes. As a result of the recency of urbanization, the migrants still maintain very strong social and economic links with the rural areas.