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Value (ethics)

About: Value (ethics) is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 21347 publications have been published within this topic receiving 461372 citations.


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01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: The authors showed that negative valent behaviors of outgroup members tend to be characterized at relatively high levels of abstraction, and those of in-group members are characterized more concretely, but for positively valent behaviours the pattern is reversed.
Abstract: states or predispositions. Any particular behavioral episode can be characterized in a variety of ways at different levels of abstraction: "A Models of Interpersonal Communication page 32 punches B," or "A hurts B," or "A dislikes B." The most abstract way to characterize a behavior would be as evidence of a predisposition: "A is aggressive." Maass et al. found that negatively valent behaviors of outgroup members tend to be characterized at relatively high levels of abstraction, and those of in-group members are characterized more concretely, but for positively valent behaviors the pattern is reversed. Positively valent behaviors of out-group members are characterized as specific episodes, while those of in-group members are characterized abstractly. Maass et al. call this the "linguistic intergroup bias" (see also Hamilton, Gibbons, Stroessner, & Sherman, 1992; Maass & Arcuri, 1992). One consequence of the linguistic intergroup bias is to help make stereotypes resistant to disconfirmation, since behaviors that are congruent with the negative out-group stereotype will tend to be characterized as general properties ("Smith is lazy"), while behaviors that are inconsistent with the stereotype will tend to be characterized in quite specific terms ("Smith painted his house"). Although examining the causal implications of language has yielded fascinating results, there are reasons to be cautious about generalizing these findings to language use. Edwards and Potter (1993) have pointed out that simple, out of context subject-verb-object sentences of the kind typically used in studies of implicit causality are rarely encountered in discourse. Consequently, the judgments subjects make from them may have little to do with the way language normally is processed in communication. Seen in isolation, "Alan desires Jane" may be understood as consequence of Jane's desirability, but in the context of a narrative that depicts Alan as a compulsive womanizer, his desire for Jane may be attributed less as to her desirability than it is to his proclivity. Models of Interpersonal Communication page 33 Is implicit causality really a matter of encoding and decoding? Or, to put it another way, is an interpersonal verb's causal implications part of its linguistic meaning, or is it an inference an addressee will draw in a particular context of usage about what the speaker intended? Semin and Marsman (in press) argue that interpersonal verbs invite inferences about a variety of properties (e.g., the perceived temporal duration of the action or state, how enduring a quality they imply, affective consistency, etc.), causal agency being only one of them. Researchers have assumed that interpersonal verbs automatically trigger inferences about causal agency, but Semin and Marsman suggest that such inferences are themselves a consequence of contextual factors (e.g., the question the subject is asked). Much of the work on implicit causality has approached the phenomenon in linguistic terms, but it may be more readily understood as part of the addressee's attempt to infer an intended meaning. The general question of how addressee's extract intended meanings from messages is discussed in Section 3. 2.3 Issues and Limitations Two features of the Encoder/Decoder model should be highlighted. One is implicit in the very notion of a code, and is illustrated in the early color codability studies. It is that the meaning of a message is fully specified by its elements—i.e., that meaning is encoded, and that decoding the message is equivalent to specifying its meaning. The other feature is that communication consists of two autonomous processes—encoding and decoding. We have tried to illustrate the Encoder/Decoder schematically in Figure 1. Despite the fact that language can in certain respects be regarded as a code, and the fact that both encoding and encoding processes are involved in communication, encoding and decoding do not adequately Models of Interpersonal Communication page 34 describe what occurs in communication, as will be discussed in the next three sections. Here we will just briefly point to some areas where the approach falls short. In the first place, it is often the case that the same message can (correctly) be understood to mean different things in different circumstances. For example, some messages are understood to mean something other than their literal meaning. While there is not universal agreement on the value of the literal vs. nonliteral distinction (Dascal, 1989; Gibbs, 1982, 1984; Katz, 1981; Keysar, 1989; Searle, 1978), it is abundantly clear that the most commonplace utterance (e.g., "You're leaving") can be understood differently in different contexts (e.g., as an observation of a state of affairs, as a prediction of a future state of affairs, etc.). Without making the relevant context part of the code, a model that conceptualizes communication as simply encoding and decoding will have difficulty explaining how the same message can be understood to mean different things at different times. Moreover, even when context is held constant, the same message can mean different things to different addressees. And there is considerable evidence to indicate that speakers design messages with their eventual destinations in mind (Bell, 1980; Clark & Murphy, 1982; Fussell & Krauss, 1989a; Graumann, 1989; Krauss & Fussell, 1991). Similarly, there is growing evidence that nonverbal behaviors are not simply signs that encode internal state in a straightforward way. A facial expression may be related to a person's internal state, but comprehending its significance can require considerably more than simply identifying the expression as a smile, a frown, an expression of disgust, etc. For example, smiles are understood to encode a affectively positive internal state, but they hardly do this in a reflexive fashion. In a series of ingenious field Models of Interpersonal Communication page 35 experiments, Kraut (1979) found smiling to be far more dependent on whether or not the individual was interacting with another person than it was on the affective quality of the precipitating event, and Fridlund (1991) has shown that even for people who were alone, the belief that another person was engaged in the same task (albeit in another room) was sufficient to potentiate smiling. In dyadic conversations, the facial expressions of the listener (i.e., the person not holding the conversational floor at a given moment) may change rapidly. Some of these changes (e.g., smiles) may represent back-channel signals (Brunner, 1979; Chen, 1990), while others (e.g., wincing at the other's pain) may serve to signal the listener's concern (Bavelas, Black, Chovil, Lemery, & Mullet, 1988; Bavelas, Black, Lemery, & Mullet, 1986). Even aspects of voice quality cannot be straightforwardly interpreted. For example, a speaker's vocal pitch range is a consequence of the architecture of the vocal tract. However, social factors can influence how a given speaker places his or her voice within that range. Men seem to place their voices in the lower part of their vocal range, and women do not, which, incidentally helps explain why a man's size can more accurately be predicted from his voice than a woman's (Gradol & Swann, 1983). In addition, a speaker's pitch and amplitude will be influenced by the pitch and amplitude of the conversational partner (Gregory, 1986, 1990; Lieberman, 1967; Natale, 1975). In a similar fashion, a speaker's internal state can induce changes in voice quality, but the relationship is hardly one-to-one. For example, stress profoundly affects voice fundamental frequency, but in any specific instance the effect can vary considerably depending on the conversational partner (Streeter et al., 1983). So, while encoding and decoding may characterize the role of nonverbal behavior is Models of Interpersonal Communication page 36 some communication situations, the applicability of the model is far from universal. 3. INTENTIONALIST MODELS

246 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the concept of ethical branding and its link to corporate reputation and propose a model for assessing the value of a brand by both financial and ethical measures.
Abstract: Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the concept of ethical branding and its link to corporate reputation. Brands have traditionally been studied only as an economic construct. Brands, as a social construct, have not yet been fully understood due to the lack of research.Design/methodology/approach – The paper discusses major issues with references to existing literature and practical examples.Findings – In the conventional brand models the value of brand equity is defined and measured by its economic performance in financial terms. This model has a number of deficiencies. First, two basic elements are missing: legality and ethics, which form the foundation of brand equity. A good brand must be a legal as well as ethical one. Thus brand value needs to be assessed by both financial and ethical measures. Second, conventional brand models focus largely on product brands rather than corporate brands. Brands and branding have such a profound impact on the society as whole and not just on these peop...

245 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that a models-based approach along with a reconstructed notion of educational value may offer a possible future for physical education that is well grounded in various philosophical arguments and the means to facilitate a wide range of diverse individual and social educational 'goods'.
Abstract: A models-based approach has been advocated as a means of overcoming the serious limitations of the traditional approach to physical education. One of the difficulties with this approach is that physical educators have sought to use it to achieve diverse and sometimes competing educational benefits, and these wide-ranging aspirations are rarely if ever achieved. Models-based practice offers a possible resolution to these problems by limiting the range of learning outcomes, subject matter and teaching strategies appropriate to each pedagogical model and thus the arguments that can be used for educational value. In this article, two examples are provided to support a case for educational value. This case is built on an examination of one established pedagogical model, Sport Education, which is informed by a perspective on ethics. Next, I consider Physical Literacy which, I suggest, is an existentialist philosophical perspective that could form the basis of a new pedagogical model. It is argued, in conclusion, that a models-based approach along with a reconstructed notion of educational value may offer a possible future for physical education that is well grounded in various philosophical arguments and the means to facilitate a wide range of diverse individual and social educational ‘goods’.

245 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide an overview of the use of mentoring programs as a tool to be used in the preservice preparation, induction, and ongoing in-service education of school administrators.
Abstract: This article provides an overview of the use of mentoring programs as a tool to be used in the preservice preparation, induction, and ongoing in-service education of school administrators. Typical practices are described, along with the assumed value found in mentoring. In addition, the limitations and potential problems are identified. The article concludes with a consideration of some of the policy implications related to the adoption of mentoring and possible future research that may be carried out in this area.

244 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a survey and field observation study replicates Donald Foley's Neighbors or Urbanites? in the same urban neighborhood twenty-five years later to test the dynamic hypothesized "loss of community" in urban life.
Abstract: This survey and field observation study replicates Donald Foley's Neighbors or Urbanites? (1952) in the same urban neighborhood twenty-five years later to test the dynamic hypothesized "loss of community" in urban life. Three indexes reflecting three dimensions of community were explored. "Local facility use" declined, "informal neighboring" showed no change, while "sense of community" increased. The latter two did not decline because the area has attracted residents who economically and ideologically "value" the changes which have occurred in the area and the resulting "ecological niche" which the area has come to occupy. It is middle-class, racially integrated and urban. Residents have consciously sought out this area because of these characteristics and have consciously attempted to create community in part through an active local community organization. Drawing upon Mannheim's distinction between utopia and ideology, the area is defined as a consciously created "ideological community."

244 citations


Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
202212
2021864
2020886
2019898
2018824
2017977