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Vertical mobility

About: Vertical mobility is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 100 publications have been published within this topic receiving 3609 citations.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discussed and illustrated the use of models for the analysis of association in the study of vertical mobility, and a parsimonious model has been arrived at which provides a statistically adequate fit to the data (although none of the models fits the English data).
Abstract: This paper has discussed and illustrated the use of models for the analysis of association in the study of vertical mobility. The methods have been applied to Danish and English data, and a parsimonious model has been arrived at which provides a statistically adequate fit to the data (although none of the models fits the English data). It has been shown that a good account of the mobility processes can be given by positing a cross-nationally constant level of class inheritance in class one and in classes two, three and five, and the absence of any specific inheritance parameter in class four, and a pattern of vertical mobility described by the heterogeneous column-effects model, in which the effects of each destination class on the association vary both within and between countries.

3 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Work incentives in the People's Republic of China as mentioned in this paper are intended to promote entry into the labor force, horizontal mobility of the workforce (i.e., geographical, intersectoral, interindustry, and interfirm movement of labor), vertical mobility (upgrading of skills), and satisfactory performance of the assigned tasks (quality and productivity).
Abstract: This article examines work incentives in the People's Republic of China. Incentives are intended to promote (a) entry into the labor force, (b) horizontal mobility of the workforce (i. e., geographical, intersectoral, interindustry, and interfirm movement of labor), (c) vertical mobility (upgrading of skills), and (d) satisfactory performance of the assigned tasks (quality and productivity). Work incentives may be exogenous, that is, directed at the subject from outside from his environment, or indigenous, that is, emanating from within the subject. They can be positive (rewards) or negative (punishments). They may be individual, that is, directed principally at the person's selfinterest (a notion which may comprise the household), or collective: related to the performance of groups. Collective incentives benefit the individual indirectly through the accomplishments of the group of which he is a part; personal interest is tied to the interest of the community. Incentives may be competitive or cooperative. They may be designed to set one unit (individual or group) against another, as in a race, or they can emphasize and reward solidarity, mutual help, sharing of experience, and so on, among individuals and groups. Finally, work incentives may be material or moral. The various work incentives are not mutually exclusive. They are used simultaneously in all economic systems, although the "mix" differs from system to system.

3 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it was shown that any changes occurring in a local area within a larger cultural system leading to a redefinition of eminence-producing activities, either by admitting activities formerly considered not to be of the eminence producing kind or by facilitating the process of vertical mobility, should show corresponding differences in the social origins of famous persons as compared to another local area in the same system where such changes did not take place at all, or which took place more slowly.
Abstract: IN THE studies of English eminence made by the writer,' involving the cross classification of eminence data by fields of distinction and social origin, it was found, first, that eminence tends to be defined as outstanding achievement in those pursuits most often engaged in for a living by persons of upper class origin. Second, that a great amount of social climbing or vertical mobility is almost always present where a person of lower class origin achieves fame. It is permissible to infer from these two observations of fact that any changes occurring in a local area within a larger cultural system leading to a redefinition of eminence-producing activities, either by admitting activities formerly considered not to be of the eminence-producing kind or by facilitating the process of vertical mobility, should show corresponding differences in the social origins of famous persons as compared to another local area within the same system where such changes did not take place at all, or which took place more slowly. It might be anticipated, for example, that a local area which had changed its form of political representation and socio-economic structure would also reveal changes in the composition of the famous-man-population. That is, to be specific, the fact that political democracy was not only made the basis of the American state, but also had some influence in producing a system of social differentiation which tended to displace ascribed status by achieved status, should reveal itself in the social origins data which may be obtained from American biographical sources as compared with, say, English data of the same kind, other things being equal. It will be the purpose of this study to ascertain whether the social origins data on famous Americans and Englishmen show differences of the kind suggested by the reasoning in the preceding paragraph.

2 citations

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore perceptions of inequality and attitudes toward redistribution exploiting ISSP and LiTS cross-country data sets and find that tolerance of individuals to a given inequality level is positively associated with previous experience of vertical mobility.
Abstract: We explore perceptions of inequality and attitudes toward redistribution exploiting ISSP and LiTS cross-country data sets. These perceptions vary across countries as well as across individuals within countries. We try to explain this variation using variation in opportunities for vertical social mobility available to individuals. The main research question is whether individual perceptions of income differentiation are driven by experience of past mobility and availability of channels leading upward. In other words, is more socially mobile society more tolerant to income inequality than less mobile and segmented? An intuitive answer seems obvious yes but empirical evidence is still scarce. Our key hypothesis speculates that tolerance of individuals to a given inequality level is positively associated with previous experience of vertical mobility. This experience includes the scale of mobility as well as the perception of how legitimate and just are ways to success. In there search literature, this view is associated with “the tunnel effect” proposed by A. Hirschman. The paper explores this effect using three different cross-country data sets that cover different countries and use varying definitions and measures of social mobility. The estimates appear robust to various specifications in ordered probit regressions.

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Breev as mentioned in this paper counts five forms of mobility of the population and of labor resources: (1) territorial; (2) branch; (3) vocational; (4) social (it must be assumed that it is meant in a more restricted sense than the one named above, otherwise this form woul...
Abstract: The development of modern society is characterized in particular by the increased mobility of the population. This mobility is a complex, multilayered problem. It is most common to speak of three forms of population mobility: natural (the dynamics of births and deaths), spatial (territorial movement, for the most part, from one settlement to another), and "social" (the change in the status of people in the socioeconomic structure of society in the broad sense of the word). The latter form is identified with the concept of social mobility. At the same time, this concept often also includes the form of spatial mobility, which is one of the channels of social advancement of people. However, there are also other gradations of forms of mobility of people. Thus B. D. Breev counts five forms of mobility of the population and of labor resources: (1) territorial; (2) branch; (3) vocational; (4) social (it must be assumed that it is meant in a more restricted sense than the one named above, otherwise this form woul...

2 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
20214
20202
20192
20182
20173
20164