Showing papers on "Voting behavior published in 2000"

Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll Call Voting

Abstract: In this wide-ranging study, the authors use 200 years of congressional roll call voting as a framework for an interpretation of important episodes in American political and economic history. By tracing the voting patterns of Congress throughout the country's history, Poole and Rosenthal find that, despite a wide array of issues facing legislators, over 80 percent of a legislator's voting decisions can be attributed to a consistent ideological position ranging from ultraconservatism to ultraliberalism.

Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment

Abstract: Although the rational choice approach toward political behavior has been severely criticized, its adherents claim that competing models have failed to offer a more scientific model of political decisionmaking. This measured but provocative book offers precisely that: an alternative way of understanding political behavior based on cognitive research. The authors draw on research in neuroscience, physiology, and experimental psychology to conceptualize habit and reason as two mental states that interact in a delicate, highly functional balance controlled by emotion. Applying this approach to more than fifteen years of election results, they shed light on a wide range of political behavior, including party identification, symbolic politics, and negative campaigning. Remarkably accessible, "Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment" urges social scientists to move beyond the idealistic notion of the purely rational citizen to form a more complete, realistic model that includes the emotional side of human judgment.

Partisanship and Voting Behavior, 1952-1996

Abstract: I assess the extent of "partisan voting" in American national elections since 1952 using a series of simple probit analyses. My measure of partisan voting is sensitive both to changes in the distribution of partisanship and to changes in the electoral relevance of partisanship. I find that the impact of partisan loyalties on voting behavior has increased in each of the last six presidential elections, reaching a level in 1996 almost 80 percent higher than in 1972-and significantly higher than in any presidential election in at least 50 years. The impact of partisanship on voting behavior in congressional elections has also increased markedly, albeit more recently and to a level still well below that of the 1950s. I conclude that the conventional wisdom among scholars and commentators regarding the "decline of parties" in American politics is badly outdated. he "decline of parties" is one of the most familiar themes in popular and scholarly discourse about contemporary American politics. One influential journalist has asserted that "The most important phenomenon of American politics in the past quarter century has been the rise of independent voters" (Smith 1988, 671). Textbook writers tell their students that "Voters no longer strongly identify with one of the major parties as they once did" (Wilson and Dilulio 1995, 180) and that "the two major parties are no longer as central as they once were in tying people's everyday concerns to their choices in the political system" (Greenberg and Page 1997, 269). The most persistent academic analyst of partisan decline has argued that "For over four decades the American public has been drifting away from the two major political parties" (Wattenberg 1996, ix), while another prominent scholar has referred to a "massive decay of partisan electoral linkages" and to "the ruins of the traditional partisan regime" (Burnham 1989, 24). I shall argue here that this conventional wisdom regarding the "decline of parties" is both exaggerated and outdated. Partisan loyalties in the American public have rebounded significantly since the mid-1970s, especially among those who actually turn out to vote. Meanwhile, the impact of partisanship on voting behavior has increased markedly in recent years, both at the presidential level (where the overall impact of partisanship in 1996 was almost 80 percent greater than in 1972) and at the congressional level (where the overall impact of partisanship in 1996 was almost 60 percent greater than in 1978). Far from "partisans using their identifications less and less as a cue in voting behavior" (Wattenberg 1996, 27), my analysis suggests that "partisan loyalties had at least as much impact on voting behavior at the presidential level in the 1980s as in the 1950s" (Bartels 1992, 249)-and even more in the 1990s than in the 1980s.

The Developmental Theory of the Gender Gap: Women's and Men's Voting Behavior in Global Perspective

Abstract: Studies carried out in many countries in previous decades found that women were more conservative than men and less likely to participate in politics. Here, it is examined whether this traditional gender gap persists today, or whether gender cleavages in the electorate have converged, and whether the phenomenon of the modern gender gap, with women more left wing, has become evident elsewhere. The article draws on evidence from the World Values Surveys in the early 1980s, and the early and mid-1990s carried out in over sixty countries around the world. This study establishes that gender differences in electoral behavior have been realigning, with women moving toward the left of men throughout advanced industrial societies (though not in postcommunist societies or developing countries) and explores the reasons for this development, including the role of structural and cultural factors. The conclusion considers the political implications of the findings.

Putting Parties in Their Place: Inferring Party Left-Right Ideological Positions from Party Manifestos Data

Abstract: The left-right ideological positions of political parties play a central role in theorizing about many different aspects of democratic processes. Unfortunately, scholars are hindered in their ability to test existing theories by the limited availability of data that is comparable over time and across countries. This paper describes a simple 'vanilla' method for using manifestos data to estimate party leftright positions. It then tests this method and four existing ones by regressing a variety of accepted survey-based measures of left-right party positions on the estimates of party positions generated by the various techniques. Finally, analysis of the residuals from these regressions identifies the extent to which there are systematic sources of errors in using manifestos data to estimate party left-right positions. The vanilla method consistently produces the best estimates of party positions, and these estimates are quite good (less than one point, on average, from the estimates of other accepted approaches). Manifestos data, however, tend to locate extreme parties closer to the ideological center than do other survey-based approaches. he left-right ideological positions of political parties play a central role in theorizing many different aspects of democratic processes. Scholars employ the left-right positions of parties in theoretical arguments and empirical tests on such topics as macro-economic policymaking, legislative institutional choice, electoral competition, voting behavior, political representation, and cabinet stability. Thus, evaluation of a wide range of theoretical arguments in comparative politics requires reliable measures of the left-right positions of political parties. A practical problem facing scholars, however, is the limited availability of appropriate measures. There are two common sources of data on leftright party locations. One consists of expert surveys on specific party systems, where experts are asked to provide estimates of party left-right positions in these systems. Castles and Mair (1984) published the first such survey in a large number of countries, and results from a similar, subsequent survey are presented in Huber and Inglehart (1995).' Although these surveys are widely used to measure party positions, they suffer important limitations: they have been administered infrequently, in different formats, and only over the last fifteen years. A second source of data is the left-right positions of party supporters as reported in mass surveys such as the Eurobarometer or the World Values Survey. These surveys have been administered more frequently, but only over the last two decades and for a limited number of countries. Thus, scholars are frequently forced to limit their

The Continued Significance of Class Voting

Abstract: Class voting is supposedly in severe decline in advanced industrial democracies. However, this conventional wisdom derives from research using problematic methods and measures and an overly simple model of political change. This chapter overviews past and current comparative research into changes in and explanations of class-based political behavior and argues for the continued significance of class voting and, by extension, class politics in contemporary democracies. I particularly emphasize the importance of using more appropriate methods and the application and testing of theories that integrate developments in this area with those in studies of voting behavior more generally. This translates into a need for the systematic testing of bottom-up/top-down interactions in the relations between social structure and political preferences and the precise specification and measurement of explanatory mechanisms that can account for the association between class position and voting.

Social limits to redistribution

Abstract: In many countries, equality of political rights, including the right to vote over taxes and transfers, goes along with substantial inequality of economic conditions. This observation lies at the root of one fundamental issue in political economy, one about the factors that limit the extent of redistribution in democracies. The conventional economic wisdom on this issue can roughly be summarized by two arguments. Firstly, redistributive taxation may be limited by various kinds of incentive costs of taxation [as, e.g., in James A. Mirrlees (1971), Kevin W.S. Roberts (1977), Dennis N. Epple and Thomas Romer (1991), and Thomas Piketty (1995)]. Secondly, redistribution may be dampened by the lobbying activity of high-income groups and by various imperfections inherent to the political process that determines the tax system [as, e.g., in Gary S. Becker (1983) and John E. Roemer (1995)]. While both arguments offer illuminating insights into the phenomenon of redistribution, they are also based on a very crude description of human behavior, one which ignores social motivations of action, both in the economic and the political sphere. The present paper develops an explanation that takes such motivations into account. Specifically, it shows that limits to redistribution may arise when economic inequality has an informational value for social decisions. Our approach is based upon the following observation: many goods and decisions that heavily affect an individual’s quality of life are not allocated or made through markets but through social interactions (Thomas Scitovsky, 1976). For instance, although people have strong preferences over how they are treated by others and over whom they mate with, these things are not the object of market transactions. A number of sources of satisfaction, like conversation, dinners and parties, playing with others, and being observed and admired, are nonmarket goods, for which a keen social competition between individuals often develops. As shown by Harold Cole et al. (1992), the existence of social—rather than market—competition for some goods can endogenously generate a concern for relative position in the income distribution. When information about relative income is private, individuals become interested in the observable consumption differentials between them and their social competitors. Since consumption differentials are influenced by redistributive taxation, the political attitudes of people toward redistribution will be shaped by its expected impact on social competition. In some identifiable environments, this concern for social success may be the crucial factor that limits the extent of redistribution desired by a majority of voters. Specifically, while the middle class may obtain economic benefits from a large amount of redistributive taxation, it may oppose an equalization of living standards since this would harm its social success. The fear of losing social status in favor of the poor induces the middle class to enter a political alliance with the rich which supports conservative taxation programs. In the sociological literature, scholars of voting behavior have often suggested that the need for social recognition plays a crucial role in shaping political attitudes. Seymour M. Lipset (1967) pointed out that white-collar workers tend to be socially valued similarly as those higher in the system and, although their income may be only slightly larger than that of manual workers, white collars are much more likely to * Corneo: Department of Economics, University of Osnabruck, Rolandstrasse 8, D-49069 Osnabruck, Germany, CESifo, Munich, and CEPR, London; Gruner: Department of Economics, University of Mannheim, D-68131 Mannheim, Germany, IZA, Bonn, and CEPR, London. We would like to thank Emmanuelle Auriol, Dieter Bos, Peter Funk, Mike Hout, Olivier Jeanne, Peter Jonas, Georg Noldeke, Thomas Piketty, Regis Renault, John Roemer, Jens Weidmann, and three anonymous referees for insightful comments and suggestions. We have also benefited from the comments of participants at workshops and conferences in Barcelona, Bonn, Davis, Jena, Maastricht, Magdeburg, Mannheim, Montreal, Munich, Rotterdam, Silvaplana, Tel Aviv, Tilburg, Toulouse, and Warwick, at which we presented earlier versions of this work. Financial support from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, SFB 303 at the University of Bonn, is gratefully acknowledged.

Citizen Attitudes and Political Behavior

Abstract: The field of comparative political behavior has experienced an ironic course of development. Over the past generation, the field has generated a dramatic increase in the knowledge about how people think about politics, become politically engaged, and make their political decisions. Empirical data on citizen attitudes are now available on a near global scale. However, this increase in knowledge has occurred as the processes and structures of contemporary politics are transforming citizen politics. Thus, although more is known about contemporary electorates, the behavior of the public has become more complex and individualistic, which limits the ability to explain the behavior with the most common models. This article documents the expansion of this knowledge in several areas—political culture, political cognition, voting behavior, and political participation—and discusses the current research challenges facing the field.

Is trade policy for sale? Congressional voting on recent trade bills

Abstract: This paper examines voting by U.S. Representatives onthe North American Free Trade Agreement, the UruguayRound Agreement, and most-favored nation status forChina. Using recent political economy models of tradepolicy to formulate an empirical specification ofcongressional voting behavior, we find evidence thatcampaign contributions influenced legislators' voteson the NAFTA and Uruguay Round bills. Labor groupcontributions were associated with votes against freertrade while business contributions were associatedwith votes in favor of freer trade. Economicconditions in each member's district as well as thebroad policy views of the legislators also affectedrepresentatives' voting decisions.

Behavioral Law and Economics

Abstract: This exciting volume marks the birth of a new field, one which attempts to study law with reference to an accurate understanding of human behavior. It reports new findings in cognitive psychology which show that people are frequently both unselfish and over-optimistic; that people have limited willpower and limited self-control; and that people are 'boundedly' rational, in the sense that they have limited information-processing powers, and frequently rely on mental short-cuts and rules of thumb. Understanding this behavior has large-scale implications for the analysis of law, in areas including environmental protection, taxation, constitutional law, voting behavior, punitive damages for civil rights violations, labor negotiations, and corporate finance. With a better knowledge of human behavior, it is possible to predict the actual effects of law, to see how law can promote society's goals, and to reassess the questions of what law should be doing.

Referendums on European Integration: Do Institutions Matter in the Voter's Decision?

Abstract: Referendums have received increasing attention after the recent round of votes on the Maastricht treaty and the widening process of the European Union. Despite this increased interest in these instruments of decision making, scholarship has not provided us with insights into the relationship between the institutional characteristics and voter's decision. The authors provide a theoretical argument on how the voter's choice is affected by the nature of the referendum. Relevant factors are whether the referendum is required, whether the people's decision has a binding character, or which government coalition is presently in power. These institutional features mediate the impact of political factors, above all partisanship, on voting behavior. The authors test their theoretical arguments on the basis of empirical material from 14 referendums on European integration and find consistent support for their theoretical contentions.

Buyer Beware? Presidential Success through Supreme Court Appointments

Abstract: One manner in which Presidents attempt to have an enduring policy influence is through the appointment of like-minded justices to the Supreme Court. This article empirically examines Dahl's (1957) hypothesis that justices actually support the policy preferences of the Presidents who appoint them. We study concordance with new data for measuring presidential preferences in the domains of social and economic policy and by incorporating the notion of judicial change over time. We measure presidential preferences for the modern Presidents, Franklin Roosevelt through Bill Clinton, with a survey taken from a random sample of political science scholars who study the Presidency We measure the voting behavior of the President's Supreme Court appointees through their votes in civil liberties and economics cases from 1937 to 1994. Presidents appear to be reasonably successful in their appointments in the short run, but justices on average appear to deviate over time away from the Presidents who appointed them.

Does judge gender matter? Decision making in state supreme courts

Abstract: Prior research on the role of judge gender in voting behavior has led to competing theories about the impact of women judges. The purpose of this research is to determine whether female judges vote differently than their male colleagues. Methods. In an attempt to determine whether or not women judges are generally more willing to support the liberal position, this research examines the voting behavior of state supreme court judges from 1982 through 1993 in two substantive areas of law not generally identified as women's issues: obscenity and death penalty sentencing. The data include the universe of published obscenity decisions in that period and a random sample of death penalty decisions. The impact of judge gender is assessed through use of a logistic regression model. Results. Controlling for party and region, we find that women judges in state supreme courts tend to vote more liberally than their male counterparts in both death penalty and obscenity cases. Equally important, the presence of a woman on state supreme courts tends to increase the probability that male judges will also support the liberal position. Conclusions. The gender effects discovered do not appear to be an artifact of state ideology or the result of socialization patterns common to all women

Contributions of the Cognitive Approach to Political Psychology

Abstract: The social cognition tradition has had a strong impact on political psychology scholarship in the last part of the 20th century. The purpose of this essay is to review the contributions of the cognitive approach in helping political psychologists to better understand how citizens think about the world of politics. I consider research concerned with both the mental structure or representation of information about the political world and research concerned with specifying the cognitive processes that produce political judgments and opinion, and conclude that political cognition scholarship has begun to live up to its promise. In the second part of the essay, I suggest a research agenda for the future, pointing to ten directions for extending the political cognition paradigm.

Campaign Dynamics: The Race for Governor

Abstract: "Campaign Dynamics: The Race for Governor" explores the dynamic interaction between candidates and voters that takes place during campaigns It finds that voters respond in a meaningful way to what candidates say and do during their campaignsCandidates for state-wide and national offices spend millions of dollars and thousands of hours trying to convey their messages to voters Do voters hear them and respond? More specifically, do the issues candidates stress on the campaign trail influence the choices voters make when casting their ballots? The evidence presented in this book suggests that the answer is a resounding yes"Campaign Dynamics" examines more than one hundred gubernatorial elections from 1982 through 1994, beginning with case studies of the gubernatorial races in Virginia and New Jersey in 1993 Combining interviews and observations with empirical analysis of public opinion polls, the case studies develop the basic understanding of how campaigns define the set of important issues in an election Then the analysis is expanded to consider the abortion issue in thirty-four gubernatorial elections in 1990 Later chapters test these ideas in over one hundred gubernatorial elections, combining exit poll data on upwards of 100,000 voters from dozens of races with measures of campaign themes developed out of a content analysis of newspaper coverageThis book employs multiple methods and sources of data and represents one of the most comprehensive theoretical and empirical efforts to understand the role of campaigns in voting behavior ever undertaken"Campaign Dynamics" will be of interest to those who study state politics, voting behavior and campaigns, and democratic theory It should also guide students and scholars interested in performing empirical tests of formal models and those wishing to combine multiple methods in their researchThomas M Carsey is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago

Transition of Adolescent Political Action Orientations to Voting Behavior in Early Adulthood in View of a Social-Cognitive Action Theory Model of Personality

Abstract: The political activity and voting behavior of 136 young German adults in 1994 were predicted by their political action orientations measured 7 years before. Respondents belonging to cohorts born in 1971, 1972, and 1973 were surveyed in 1987, 1988, and 1994. The questionnaires measured variables relevant to the social-cognitive action theory model of personality: self-concept of political competence, beliefs about political locus of control, political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics, and political activity in everyday life. The results are interpreted with respect to the correlative and absolute stability versus plasticity of the variables from 1987 to 1994, as well as the predictive value of the action theory personality variables for political activities and for voting behavior measured 7 years later. Longitudinal results indicate a high predictive value of self-concept of political competence and political knowledge for political activity and voting in early adulthood. Because only these two personality variables showed relatively high positional stability coefficients from adolescence to early adulthood, the discussion refers to the necessity of early developmental interventions to prevent extreme types of politically uninterested and passive adults. Therefore, the social-cognitive action theory personality model of political participation is extended to a social-cognitive action theory personality model of political socialization in the life span.

Electoral Participation, Ideology, and Party Politics in Post-Communist Europe

Abstract: The relationship between voter participation and party fortunes has received much attention in the voting behavior literature. Specifically, a number of studies on the advanced industrial democracies postulate that left-of-center parties benefit from higher turnout. This article extends that argument to a quite different context: the economically and politically volatile post-communist world. Using aggregate data from 15 post-communist countries between 1990 and 1999, we test the turnout-party vote linkage. We find that, indeed, increased turnout benefits left parties, particularly the successor communist parties, while adversely affecting conservative and nationalist parties.

Once More Unto the Breach: PostBehavioralist Approaches to Judicial Politics

Abstract: The field of "public law" in political science is somewhat ill defined. Its practitioners range from political theorists interested in the normative underpinnings of the law to statisticians interested in the correlates of judicial voting. The output of the Supreme Court, however, looms large on the landscape for many approaches to the field. In the first decades of the century, political scientists were unlikely to focus specifically on the explanations for the Court's decisions but were more likely to be interested in a broad range of issues related to the courts and the law. Since the "behavioral revolution" that swept the social sciences in the 1950s, however, judicial decision making has been at the core of the field. Over the past several decades, substantial progress has been made in identifying patterns of judicial voting behavior and the determinants of Court decisions. That progress, though real, has also been narrow. The scholarly focus has been on individual justices and how they cast their votes, leaving a great deal of the judicial process relatively unexplored.

The Supreme Court in American politics : new institutionalist interpretations

Abstract: For decades political scientists studying the Court have adopted behavioral approaches and focused on the relatively narrow question of how the justices' policy preferences influence their voting behavior. This emphasis has illuminated important aspects of Supreme Court politics, but it has also left unaddressed many other important questions about this unique and fascinating institution. Drawing on "the new institutionalism" in the social sciences, the distinguished contributors to this volume attempt to fill this gap by exploring a variety of topics, including the Court's institutional development and its relationship to broader political contexts such as party regimes, electoral systems, social movements, social change, legal precedents, political identities, and historically evolving economic structures. The book's initial chapters examine the nature of the Court's distinctive norms as well as the development of its institutional powers and practice. A second section relates the development of Supreme Court politics to the historical development of other political institutions and social movements. Concluding chapters explore how its decision making in particular areas of law or periods of time is influenced by and influences its socio-political milieu. These contributions offer provocative insights regarding the Court's role in maintaining or disrupting political and economic structures, as well as social structures and identities tied to ideology, class, race, gender, and sexual orientation. "The Supreme Court in American Politics" shows how we can develop an enriched understanding of this institution, and open up exciting new areas of research by placing it in the broader context of politics in the United States."

Examining the Robustness of Ideological Voting: Evidence from the Confederate House of Representatives

Abstract: A majority of work on Congressional voting behavior finds that members of Congress establish ideological positions and maintain them throughout the entirety of their careers, regardless of how their career aspirations, political positions, or underlying constituencies change. Based on this evidence, Poole (1998) concludes that members of Congress "die in their ideological boots." I examine the robustness of the "ideological-boots thesis" more closely, using vote-scaling techniques and roll-call voting data from a different American legislative system: the Congress of the Confederate States of America. Initial results run contrary to the ideological-boots thesis, as I uncover low levels of cross-system stability among members who moved from the U.S. House to the Confederate House. Examining further, I argue that high levels of ideological stability follow from a strong party system being in place to structure voting, which has traditionally been the case in the two-party U.S. House but was not the case in the partyless Confederate House. This result aside, I do find a moderate but increasing level of ideological stability among members of the Confederate House in a session-by-session analysis, which is robust to a serious "shock" (Federal invasion) to the constituency-representative linkage underlying the electoral connection. This latter finding suggests that as long as there are electoral incentives associated with ideological labels, then ideologies will develop regardless of party structure. ecent work in the field of Congressional voting behavior suggests that members of Congress (MCs) "die in their ideological boots." That is, according to Poole (1998, 3), "based upon the roll-call voting record, once elected to Congress, members adopt an ideological position and maintain that position throughout their careers-once a liberal or a conservative or a moderate, always a liberal or a conservative or a moderate." This finding applies not only to members of the contemporary Congress, but MCs from bygone eras as well, as Poole and Rosenthal (1997) find high levels of individual-level ideological stability across nearly all of United States Congressional history. Moreover, additional evidence suggests that members of Congress remain ideologically consistent even in the face of changing personal or electoral conditions: members' voting records remain essentially the same, regardless of whether they plan to retire (Lott 1987; Van Beek 1991; Lott and Bronars 1993; Poole and Rosenthal 1997), plan to run for a higher office (Hibbing 1986; Poole and Romer 1993), serve in a higher office (Grofman, Griffin, and Berry 1995; Poole and Rosenthal 1997), or have their districts redrawn (Poole and Romer 1993; Poole 1998). This article examines the "ideological-boots thesis" further to assess whether it is truly a general finding. Rather than examine voting behavior in the U.S. Congress, however, I focus on voting behavior in a heretofore forgotten institution in American history: the Congress of the Confederate States of America. I contend that the Confederate Congress is a suitable forum to explore the robustness of the ideological-boots thesis, because it provides two unique extensions to the study of individual-level ideological stability that cannot be pursued in a study of the U.S. Congress. First, a significant number of individuals who served in the Confederate House had

The Electorate, the Campaign, and the Office: A Unified Approach to Senate and House Elections

Abstract: Voters simultaneously choose among candidates running for different offices, with different terms, and occupying different places in the Constitutional order. Conventional wisdom holds that these overlapping institutional differences make comparative electoral research difficult, if not impossible. Paul Gronke's path-breaking study compares electoral contexts, campaigns, and voter decision-making in House and Senate elections. Gronke's book offers new insights into how differences--and similarities--across offices structure American elections.Congressional elections research holds that Senate races are more competitive than House contests because states are more heterogeneous, or because candidates are more prominent and raise more money, or because voters have fundamentally different expectations. Because House and Senate contests are seldom compared, we have little empirical evidence to test the various hypotheses about how voters make choices for different offices. Gronke finds that the similarities between House and Senate elections are much greater than previously thought and that voters make their decisions in both races on the same bases.Gronke first looks at differences in congressional districts and states, showing that context does not really help us understand why Senate elections feature better candidates, higher spending, and closer outcomes. Next, he turns to campaigns. Surprisingly, over a turbulent twenty-year period, House and Senate candidacies have retained the same competitive dynamics.Gronke also considers voting behavior in House and Senate elections. Focusing on the 1988 and 1990 elections, he argues that voters do not distinguish between institutions, applying fundamentally the same decision rule, regardless of the office being contested. Gronke closes by considering the implications of his results for the way we relate settings, electoral dynamics, and institutional arrangements.This book will appeal to those interested in Congress, political campaigning, and voting.Paul Gronke is Associate Professor of Political Science at Reed College.

Role of Advertising in Forming the Image of Politicians: Comparative Analysis of Poland, France, and Germany

Abstract: This article presents an analysis of the influence of political advertisements on forming the image of politicians and the voting behavior of citizens. The very important issues are attitude to the candidates and estimation of their personal qualities. After a critical analysis of current models of the influence of political advertisements on the voters, the authors derived the sequential model of the influence of political advertisement on voting behavior. Experiments in three countries were conducted in order to verify this model: Poland (1995 presidential election), France (presidential elections in 1995), and Germany (general election in 1994). The results confirm the dependencies described in the model. The results also allow for distinguishing three types of impact that political advertisements may have on voting decisions: (1) strengthening former voting preferences; (2) weakening the former preferences and their change or reverse in an extreme case; and (3) lack of impact or small fluctuations in ...

Political efficacy and electoral participation of Chicago Latinos

Abstract: To explore feelings of political efficacy among Chicago Latinos, making intraethnic comparisons within the Chicago Latino community as well as comparisons to blacks and Anglos using NES data. Analysis of my spring 1997 telephone survey of Chicago Latinos about their feelings of political efficacy and their voting behavior in the 1996 general elections. Chicago Latinos report lower feelings of political efficacy on an internal efficacy item and on one of two external efficacy items than do most national groups, but much higher levels of external efficacy on the remaining item. There are also interesting differences in responses among groups within the Chicago Latino community. Also, Chicago Latinos do not exhibit the same link between external efficacy and voting as has been found for Anglos. Chicago Latinos feel that their political reality is one of relatively high empowerment, and they tend to view voting as more of a symbolic act than as an instrumental one

Local Context, Retrospective Economic Evaluations, and Voting: The 1997 General Election in England and Wales

Abstract: Local context is widely believed to influence voting behavior with, for example, the voters' evaluation of the state of their local economy affecting whether they choose to reward or punish the incumbent government. Such reward-punish models apply in the United Kingdom at the national scale: those who believe that the government has delivered prosperity vote for its return, whereas those who believe that its policies have produced a worsening economic situation vote against it. This article shows that the operation of this calculus varies spatially, according to the level of unemployment in the voter's home area: the higher the local level of unemployment the lower the probability of someone who thought that government polices had delivered national prosperity voting for the incumbent government. It also shows that this is a consequence of cross-pressured situations. Those who thought that the government's policies had delivered both national and local prosperity were very likely to vote for it; those who thought that the policies had delivered national but not local prosperity were less likely to vote for it—especially in areas of high unemployment.

Constituency-based Lobbying as Corporate Political Strategy: Testing an Agency Theory Perspective

Abstract: This study explores sources of variation in the efficacy of constituency building as corporate political strategy. The theoretical focus is on the persistent agency problems inherent in the principal-agent relationship between constituents and legislators. Analysis of data from key congressional respondents indicates that the nature of these agency problems significantly determines the relative effectiveness of corporate constituency building as a means to influence legislative decisionmaking. Corporate constituency building appears to be more effective for influencing legislators' voting behavior than for influencing the specific content of legislation; more effective in the House than the Senate; contingent on party affiliation; contingent on the types of feedback corporate stakeholders use to communicate with legislative offices; contingent on the types of corporate stakeholders involved. This paper discusses these findings in the context of the existing literature and makes suggestions for further inq...