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Showing papers on "Voting behavior published in 2010"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes across issue domains and social contexts (as defined by racial groups) and found clear evidence that Big Five traits affect economic and social attitudes differently, show that the effect of big five traits is often as large as that of education or income in predicting ideology, and demonstrate that the relationships between big Five traits and ideology vary substantially between white and black respondents.
Abstract: Previous research on personality traits and political attitudes has largely focused on the direct relationships between traits and ideological self-placement. There are theoretical reasons, however, to suspect that the relationships between personality traits and political attitudes (1) vary across issue domains and (2) depend on contextual factors that affect the meaning of political stimuli. In this study, we provide an explicit theoretical framework for formulating hypotheses about these differential effects. We then leverage the power of an unusually large national survey of registered voters to examine how the relationships between Big Five personality traits and political attitudes differ across issue domains and social contexts (as defined by racial groups). We confirm some important previous findings regarding personality and political ideology, find clear evidence that Big Five traits affect economic and social attitudes differently, show that the effect of Big Five traits is often as large as that of education or income in predicting ideology, and demonstrate that the relationships between Big Five traits and ideology vary substantially between white and black respondents.

599 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors test a set of hypotheses that specify how the motivational structure of basic values con strains and gives coherence to core political values, and also test the hypothesis that core political value mediate relations of basic personal values to voting demonstrated in previous research.
Abstract: We theorize that political values express basic personal values in the domain of politics. We test a set of hypotheses that specify how the motivational structure of basic values con strains and gives coherence to core political values. We also test the hypothesis that core political values mediate relations of basic personal values to voting demonstrated in previous research. We measured the basic personal values, core political values, and vote of Italian adults both before (n = 1699) and after fn = 1030) the 2006 national election. Basic values explained substantial variance in each of eight political values (22% to 53%) and predicted voting significantly. Correlations and an MDS projection of relations among basic values and political values supported the hypothesized coherent structuring of core political values by basic values. Core political values fully mediated relations of basic values to voting, supporting a basic values?political values?voting causal hierarchy.

462 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the determinants of the relationship between appearance-based trait inferences and voting were examined and it was shown that facial competence is a highly robust and specific predictor of political preferences.
Abstract: Recent research has shown that rapid judgments about the personality traits of political candidates, based solely on their appearance, can predict their electoral success. This suggests that voters rely heavily on appearances when choosing which candidate to elect. Here we review this literature and examine the determinants of the relationship between appearance-based trait inferences and voting. We also reanalyze previous data to show that facial competence is a highly robust and specific predictor of political preferences. Finally, we introduce a computer model of face-based competence judgments, which we use to derive some of the facial features associated with these judgments.

434 citations


Book
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: The Big Five approach as discussed by the authors is used to measure the Big Five of personality, attitudes, and political predispositions, and the multiple bases of political behavior, including personality and political participation.
Abstract: 1. Personality and politics 2. The Big Five approach 3. Measuring the Big Five 4. Personality and political information 5. Personality, attitudes, and political predispositions 6. Personality and political participation 7. The multiple bases of political behavior.

425 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined college students' use of online media for political purposes in the 2008 election and found significant positive relationships between attention to traditional Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involvement.
Abstract: This study examined college students' use of online media for political purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college students showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications are discussed for political use of online media for young adults.

420 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored the intersection of media use, political discussion, and exposure to political difference through a focus on how Internet use might affect the overall heterogeneity of people's political discussion networks, and found that partisanship moderates the relationship between online political discussion and political discussion network heterogeneity.
Abstract: This study explores the intersection of media use, political discussion, and exposure to political difference through a focus on how Internet use might affect the overall heterogeneity of people's political discussion networks. Advanced and tested herein is the inadvertency thesis, which theorizes that limitations of selective exposure processes combined with weakened social boundaries found in the online environment suggest that people may be exposed to at least some additional political difference online, if only inadvertently. Hierarchical regression and mediation analyses confirm that online political discussion (directly) and online news (directly and indirectly) bear small yet significant relationships to the overall heterogeneity of political discussion networks, and that partisanship moderates the relationship between online political discussion and political discussion network heterogeneity.

382 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is found that making people more aware of the reasons for their current state of mind reduces the effect that irrelevant events have on their opinions, underscore the subtle power of irrelevant events in shaping important real-world decisions and suggest ways in which decision making can be improved.
Abstract: Does information irrelevant to government performance affect voting behavior? If so, how does this help us understand the mechanisms underlying voters’ retrospective assessments of candidates’ performance in office? To precisely test for the effects of irrelevant information, we explore the electoral impact of local college football games just before an election, irrelevant events that government has nothing to do with and for which no government response would be expected. We find that a win in the 10 d before Election Day causes the incumbent to receive an additional 1.61 percentage points of the vote in Senate, gubernatorial, and presidential elections, with the effect being larger for teams with stronger fan support. In addition to conducting placebo tests based on postelection games, we demonstrate these effects by using the betting market's estimate of a team's probability of winning the game before it occurs to isolate the surprise component of game outcomes. We corroborate these aggregate-level results with a survey that we conducted during the 2009 NCAA men's college basketball tournament, where we find that surprising wins and losses affect presidential approval. An experiment embedded within the survey also indicates that personal well-being may influence voting decisions on a subconscious level. We find that making people more aware of the reasons for their current state of mind reduces the effect that irrelevant events have on their opinions. These findings underscore the subtle power of irrelevant events in shaping important real-world decisions and suggest ways in which decision making can be improved.

327 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigated the causal relationship between news media use and political interest, and found that there are indeed causal and reciprocal relationships between political interest and attention to political news and exposure to some, but not all, news media, which lend stronger support to the perspective of media mobilisation theories than media malaise theories.
Abstract: Being politically interested is one of the most important norms from a democratic perspective, as it is a crucial antecedent for voting, political knowledge, civic and political participation, and attentiveness to political information. However, only limited research has focused on the relationship between media use and political interest, despite the notion that modern politics is mediated politics. Even more important is the fact that the causal relationship between media use and political interest still has not been firmly established. Against this background, the purpose of this study is to investigate the causal relationship between news media use and political interest.The results show that there are indeed causal and reciprocal relationships between political interest and attention to political news, and between political interest and exposure to some, but not all, news media. Overall these results lend stronger support to the perspective of media mobilisation theories than media malaise theories.

247 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article analyzed the political careers of members of the Italian Chamber of Deputies during the first eleven postwar legislatures (1948-94) and found that judicial investigation typically did not discourage deputies from standing for reelection in Italy's large multimember electoral districts and voters did not punish allegedly malfeasant legislators with loss of office until the last (Eleventh) legislature in the sample.
Abstract: Utilizing a unique data set from the Italian Ministry of Justice reporting the transmission to the Chamber of Deputies of more than the thousand requests for the removal of parliamentary immunity from deputies suspected of criminal wrongdoing, the authors analyze the political careers of members of the Chamber during the first eleven postwar legislatures (1948–94). They find that judicial investigation typically did not discourage deputies from standing for reelection in Italy's large multimember electoral districts. They also show that voters did not punish allegedly malfeasant legislators with loss of office until the last (Eleventh) legislature in the sample. To account for the dramatic change in voter behavior that occurred in the early 1990s, the investigation focuses on the roles of the judiciary and the press. The results are consistent with a theory that a vigilant and free press is a necessary condition for political accountability in democratic settings. An independent judiciary alone is ineffective in ensuring electoral accountability if the public is not informed of political malfeasance.

244 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the effect of social pressure on voting behavior in small and close-knit communities in Switzerland was investigated. And the main hypothesis is that social pressure creates incentives to vote for the purpose of being seen at the voting act.
Abstract: This paper uses a natural experiment to document the impact of social pressure on voting behavior. The main hypothesis is that social pressure creates incentives to vote for the purpose of being seen at the voting act. This incentive is particularly high in small and close-knit communities. Empirically, I analyze the effect of postal voting on voter participation in Switzerland. Optional postal voting decreased the voting costs, but simultaneously removed the social pressure to vote. In spite of the large reduction in voting costs, the effect on aggregate turnout was small. However, voter participation was more negatively affected in the smaller communities. This lends support to the view that social incentives played a role for certain people's voting decisions. (JEL: H0, Z13)

225 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A field experiment during the 2008 presidential election is presented showing that facilitating the formation of a voting plan can increase turnout by 4.1 percentage points among those contacted, but a standard encouragement call and self-prediction have no significant impact.
Abstract: Phone calls encouraging citizens to vote are staples of modern campaigns. Insights from psychological science can make these calls dramatically more potent while also generating opportunities to expand psychological theory. We present a field experiment conducted during the 2008 presidential election (N = 287,228) showing that facilitating the formation of a voting plan (i.e., implementation intentions) can increase turnout by 4.1 percentage points among those contacted, but a standard encouragement call and self-prediction have no significant impact. Among single-eligible-voter households, the formation of a voting plan increased turnout among persons contacted by 9.1 percentage points, whereas those in multiple-eligible-voter households were unaffected by all scripts. Some situational factors may organically facilitate implementation-intentions formation more readily than others; we present data suggesting that this could explain the differential treatment effect that we found. We discuss implications for psychological and political science, and public interventions involving implementation-intentions formation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gerber et al. as mentioned in this paper used field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin this effect and found that shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients are.
Abstract: Citizens generally try to cooperate with social norms, especially when norm compliance is monitored and publicly disclosed. A recent field experimental study demonstrates that civic appeals that tap into social pressure motivate electoral participation appreciably (Gerber et al., Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48, 2008). Building on this work, I use field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin this effect. I report the results of three field experiments conducted in the November 2007 elections designed to test whether voters are more effectively mobilized by appeals that engender feelings of pride (for reinforcing or perpetuating social and cultural values or norms) or shame (for violating social and cultural values or norms). Voters in Monticello, Iowa and Holland, Michigan were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified voters in the November 2007 election would be published in the local newspaper (pride treatment). In Ely, Iowa voters were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified nonvoters would be published in the local newspaper (shame treatment). The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients are. Pride motivates compliance with voting norms only amongst high-propensity voters, while shame mobilizes both high- and low-propensity voters.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the implications of random events, economic losses, and retrospective voting on the Democratic Party's ability to perform well in the 2008 election, and their implications for Democratic Competence.
Abstract: Random Events, Economic Losses, and Retrospective Voting: Implications for Democratic Competence

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a framework for conceptualizing and modeling the effect of the type of mandate on deputies' propensity to cast deviating votes in mixed electoral systems is proposed, which shows that deputies elected from single-member districts are more likely to deviate from the party line than deputies elected under proportional representation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper showed that having a daughter makes people more likely to vote for left-wing political parties than having a son, and that having sons leads people to favor right-wing parties.
Abstract: What determines human beings' political preferences? Using nationally representative longitudinal data, we show that having daughters makes people more likely to vote for left-wing political parties. Having sons leads people to favor right-wing parties. The paper checks that our result is not an artifact of family stopping rules, discusses the predictions from a simple economic model, and tests for possible reverse causality.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article found that those reminded of the need to register with a political party were more likely to identify with a party and showed stronger partisanship, while the treatment group also demonstrated greater concordance than the control group between their pretreatment latent partisanship and their posttreatment reported voting behavior and intentions and evaluations of partisan figures.
Abstract: Partisanship is strongly correlated with attitudes and behavior, but it is unclear from this pattern whether partisan identity has a causal effect on political behavior and attitudes. We report the results of a field experiment that investigates the causal effect of party identification. Prior to the February 2008 Connecticut presidential primary, researchers sent a mailing to a random sample of unaffiliated registered voters who, in a pretreatment survey, leaned toward a political party. The mailing informed the subjects that only voters registered with a party were able to participate in the upcoming presidential primary. Subjects were surveyed again in June 2008. Comparing posttreatment survey responses to subjects’ baseline survey responses, we find that those reminded of the need to register with a party were more likely to identify with a party and showed stronger partisanship. Further, we find that the treatment group also demonstrated greater concordance than the control group between their pretreatment latent partisanship and their posttreatment reported voting behavior and intentions and evaluations of partisan figures. Thus, our treatment, which appears to have caused a strengthening of partisan identity, also appears to have caused a shift in subjects’ candidate preferences and evaluations of salient political figures. This finding is consistent with the claim that partisanship is an active force changing how citizens behave in and perceive the political world.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, voters are able to resolve a signal extraction problem: determine the extent to which these shocks are the result of incumbent competency as opposed to exogenous shocks to the economy.
Abstract: Working within a selection model of economic voting we propose explanations for the cross-national and dynamic variations in the magnitude of the vote that have puzzled students of comparative voting behavior. Our theory suggests that unexpected shocks to the economy inform the economic vote which implies that voters are able to resolve a signal extraction problem: determine the extent to which these shocks are the result of incumbent competency as opposed to exogenous shocks to the economy. We assume that voters have information on the overall variance in shocks to the macroeconomy and that they use this signal to weight the importance of economic shocks in their vote decision. Voters are also hypothesized to recognize that higher exposure to global trade influences reduces the magnitude of the incumbent competency signal. We provide empirical evidence demonstrating that voters are able to discern significant variation in macroeconomic outcomes in order to perform this signal extraction task: We analyze ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper investigated whether disclosure of past participation has a stronger effect on voter turnout when it calls attention to a past abstention or a past vote and found that voters are sensitive to whether their compliance with the norm of voting is being monitored.
Abstract: Prior experimental research has demonstrated that voter turnout rises substantially when people receive mailings that indicate whether they voted in previous elections. This effect suggests that voters are sensitive to whether their compliance with the norm of voting is being monitored. The present study extends this line of research by investigating whether disclosure of past participation has a stronger effect on turnout when it calls attention to a past abstention or a past vote. A sample of 369,211 registered voters who voted in just one of two recent elections were randomly assigned to receive no mail, mail that encouraged them to vote, and mail that both encouraged them to vote and indicated their turnout in one previous election. The latter type of mailing randomly reported either the election in which they voted or the one in which they abstained. Results suggest that mailings disclosing past voting behavior had strong effects on voter turnout and that these effects were significantly enhanced when it disclosed an abstention in a recent election.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, student Facebook groups supporting the 2008 presidential candidates, John McCain and Barack Obama, from the largest land-grant universities in seven battleground states were analyzed and the findings of a content analysis of wall posts showed that students are using Facebook to facilitate dialog and civic political involvement.
Abstract: This study looks at student Facebook groups supporting the 2008 presidential candidates, John McCain and Barack Obama, from largest land-grant universities in seven battleground states. The findings of a content analysis of wall posts show that students are using Facebook to facilitate dialog and civic political involvement. In opposition to pro-McCain groups, pro-Obama groups have wider time frame coverage and demonstrate substantively higher site activity. Political discussions related to the political civic process, policy issues, campaign information, candidate issues, and acquisition of campaign products dominate across groups and election seasons. An examination of the content of wall posts based on the four categories of the Michigan Model of voting behavior (partisanship, group affiliation, candidate image, and political/campaign issues) reveals that in the primary season, pro-Obama groups focus mostly on short-term topics (candidate image and campaign issues), whereas pro-McCain groups focus most...

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, a multi-level analysis of voting behavior in 27 countries in the 2009 European Parliament elections is presented, showing that voters are differently motivated depending on which type of party they normally support and that the level of politicization of the EU in the domestic debate shapes the degree of arena-specific voting.
Abstract: It is well-established that voters behave very differently in European Parliament (EP) elections compared to national elections. They are more likely to switch their allegiances to smaller opposition parties or even to abstain. The classic explanation is that these changing patterns of behavior are due to the fact that less is at stake in 'second-order' EP elections. While this second-order explanation aptly captures the primary characteristic of EP elections, it has often led to a conflation of three quite distinct motivations for changing behavior, namely sincere voting, strategic protest voting and arena-specific voting. By clearly distinguishing among different types of motivations driving second-order voting behavior, we are able to address the important question of when and why voters are more likely to rely on sincere, strategic and arena specific considerations in EP elections. We argue that the primary conditioning factors are located at two levels. At the individual-level, voters are differently motivated depending on which type of party they normally support. At the context-level, the level of politicization of the EU in the domestic debate shapes the degree of arena-specific voting. These propositions are tested in a multi-level analysis of voting behavior in 27 countries in the 2009 European Parliament elections. Our findings have important implications for understanding why voters change their behavior between different types of elections.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the only case in which road pricing was decided by a citizen referendum on the basis of experience with a specific pricing system and found that when they have experienced first-hand the out-of-pocket costs and time savings, they are prepared to adopt freely policies that reduce congestion on urban motorways.
Abstract: Studies of the “stated preferences” of households generally report public and political opposition by urban commuters to congestion pricing. It is thought that this opposition inhibits or precludes tolls and pricing systems that would enhance efficiency in the use of scarce roadways. This paper analyzes the only case in which road pricing was decided by a citizen referendum on the basis of experience with a specific pricing system. The city of Stockholm introduced a toll system for seven months in 2006, after which citizens voted on its permanent adoption. We match precinct voting records to resident commute times and costs by traffic zone, and we analyze patterns of voting in response to economic and political incentives. We document political and ideological incentives for citizen choice, but we also find that the pattern of time savings and incremental costs exerts a powerful influence on voting behavior. In this instance, at least, citizen voters behave as if they value commute time highly. When they have experienced first-hand the out-of-pocket costs and time savings of a specific pricing scheme, they are prepared to adopt freely policies that reduce congestion on urban motorways. © 2010 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article found no evidence that the introduction of primary elections, the level of primary election turnout, or the threat of primary competition are associated with partisan polarization in congressional roll call voting, and also found little evidence that extreme roll-call voting records are positively associated with primary election outcomes.
Abstract: Many observers and scholars argue that primary elections contribute to ideological polarization in U.S. politics. We test this claim using congressional elections and roll call voting behavior. Many of our findings are null. We find little evidence that the introduction of primary elections, the level of primary election turnout, or the threat of primary competition are associated with partisan polarization in congressional roll call voting. We also find little evidence that extreme roll call voting records are positively associated with primary election outcomes. A positive finding is that general election competition exerts pressure toward convergence as extreme roll call voting is negatively correlated with general election outcomes.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined political consumers' demographic backgrounds, socio-political attitudes, issue orientations and their status of political participation, finding that political consumers possess post-material values and are mainly interested in lifestyle-oriented social issues.
Abstract: Political consumerism has recently generated academic interest among political participation researchers. While some scholars underscore political consumerism as an emerging civic and political engagement, others discredit its democratic potentials. Drawing on two national survey samples in 2002 that measured both boycotting and ‘buycotting’, this study examines political consumers' demographic backgrounds, socio-political attitudes, issue orientations and their status of civic and political participation. Findings suggest that: (1) boycotters and buycotters should be distinguished because their demographic backgrounds are substantially different; (2) political consumers possess post-material values and are mainly interested in lifestyle-oriented social issues; and (3) political consumers are more active political participants. Theoretical implications of the findings and an agenda for future studies are also discussed.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that it is primarily female candidates of the same party who enhance women's interest in politics and that the stronger impact of party-congruent (over party-incongruent) female candidates can be attributed to either greater visibility or agreement on substantive issues.
Abstract: Recent research raises doubts about whether the presence of women contesting or occupying prominent public office enhances women’s political engagement. Taking into account both gender and party congruence between politicians and constituents, the authors find that it is primarily female candidates of the same party who enhance women’s interest in politics. The stronger impact of party-congruent (over party-incongruent) female candidates can be attributed to either greater visibility or agreement on substantive issues. Party matters, but rather than obscuring the role of gender in electoral politics, it enhances our understanding of how, or under what conditions, it works.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The issue of political legitimacy is the core proposition of political ethics and political philosophy as discussed by the authors, and it is the fundamental impetus for the development of political life and political development It is the basis for the effective combination of country and society, politicians and citizens.
Abstract: The issue of legitimacy is the core proposition of political ethics and political philosophy Ever since ancient times,human beings,under different historical conditions,probe into and carry out political legitimacy from different perspective This is the course of the development of political civilization of human beings,the course of the integration of human politics and"moral life" The relation of politics and"moral life"is illuminated and deepened from the perspective of history,law and value Being a basic value which determines that the political order should get acknowledgement from its members,political legitimacy should take precedence in the political life of mankind It is the fundamental impetus for the development of political life and political development It is the basis for the effective combination of country and society,politicians and citizens It is the ultimate goal of political life and political development Different means and approaches to the attainment of"moral life"determines the changes and forms of human political life

Book
22 Mar 2010
TL;DR: The results show that turnout and political participation among Hispanics in the 2008 election was higher than in any other US election in the past decade, and turnout among Hispanics aged 18-29 was significantly higher than other ethnic groups.
Abstract: Preface ix Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Hispanic Political Identity 18 Chapter 2: Hispanic Public Opinion and Partisanship 35 Chapter 3: Turnout and Political Participation 74 Chapter 4: Political Knowledge, Effi cacy, and Awareness 102 Chapter 5: Voting Behavior 125 Chapter 6: Intergroup Relations and Coalition Building 152 Conclusion: The Complexity of Studying Hispanic Political Behavior 175 Postscript: Hispanics and the 2008 Election 185 Appendix: Research Design and Organization 199 References 201 Index 215

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Differences in character strengths were found to exist across cities, were robustly related to important city- level outcomes such as entrepreneurship and 2008 presidential election voting, and were associated in theoretically predicted ways with city-level features.
Abstract: Psychology has neglected the study of variation across cities. An urban psychology is needed that takes seriously such variation and focuses on strengths and assets contributing to the good life as much as on problems of urbanization. To illustrate the value of an urban psychology, we describe studies of character strengths among residents in the 50 largest U.S. cities (N = 47,369). Differences in character strengths were found to exist across cities, were robustly related to important city-level outcomes such as entrepreneurship and 2008 presidential election voting, and were associated in theoretically predicted ways with city-level features. We propose a framework that distinguishes between strengths of the "head," which are intellectual and self-oriented, and strengths of the "heart," which are emotional and interpersonal. Cities whose residents had higher levels of head strengths were those rated as creative and innovative. Head strengths predicted the likelihood of a city voting for Barack Obama, whereas heart strengths predicted voting for John McCain. More than half of the world's population now resides in cities, and urban psychology deserves greater attention.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a comprehensive model of political behavior and its influence on career growth was presented and tested via a Chinese sample of 283 employee-supervisor dyads, where personal power mediated the moderated relationships among political behavior, political skill, and career growth potential ratings.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored the degree to which educational differences matter in the extent and form of political participation in the Netherlands and pointed out that the less educated tend to be very distrustful and cynical about politics and politicians, whereas the well educated tended to be much more positive about government and political institutions.
Abstract: Although research on political participation has consistently observed a robust and positive relationship between education and political participation, there is fairly little systematic analysis of its implications for the functioning of modern democracies. This article first explores the degree to which educational differences matter in the extent and form of political participation in the Netherlands. It turns out that the well educated currently comprise less than a third of the population, yet they dominate every political venue in the Netherlands. The less educated, on the other hand, have virtually disappeared from most layers of the participation pyramid. Second, the article explores the political consequences of this education gap in participation. There is no such thing in the Netherlands as a general cleft between citizens and politicians. The major gap is one between less- and well- educated citizens. The less educated tend to be very distrustful and cynical about politics and politicians, whereas the well educated tend to be much more positive about government and political institutions. The education gap has been most manifest with regard to socio-cultural issues, such as crime, the admittance of asylum seekers, cultural integration of immigrants and EU unification. Regarding these issues, differences in the level of formal educational will lead to very divergent political opinions. However, the recent emergence of eurosceptic and nationalist parties, with a populist style, such as the LPF, SP and PVV, have made the less educated more visible in the political landscape.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of political consumerism in the clothing sector in Switzerland is presented, which analyzes the role of social movement activity in the transformation of consumerism towards individualized participation forms.
Abstract: Several recent studies have shown an increase in political consumerism (boycott and buycott) and a tendency towards a new ‘politics in the supermarket’. These developments are usually seen as a transformation of forms of political action towards more individualized participation forms. Little attention has focused on the role of social movement activity in this transformation. In this contribution, which is based on a case study of political consumerism in the clothing sector in Switzerland, I fill this gap by analysing the ways in which political agency and mobilization shape political consumerism. I suggest taking into account the role of campaigning – that is, intentional and coordinated collective action and framing activities – as an incentive, if not a determinant, of individual political consumption. I show how different contentious performances mobilize citizens and consumers and make the consumption and production of clothing a public and political issue. I analyse the mobilizing strategies of a ...