This book is a comparative study of imperial organization and longevity that assesses Ottoman successes as well as failures against those of other empires with similar characteristics. Barkey examines the Ottoman Empire's social organization and mechanisms of rule at key moments of its history, emergence, imperial institutionalization, remodeling, and transition to nation-state, revealing how the empire managed these moments, adapted, and averted crises and what changes made it transform dramatically. The flexible techniques by which the Ottomans maintained their legitimacy, the cooperation of their diverse elites both at the center and in the provinces, as well as their control over economic and human resources were responsible for the longevity of this particular 'negotiated empire'. Her analysis illuminates topics that include imperial governance, imperial institutions, imperial diversity and multiculturalism, the manner in which dissent is handled and/or internalized, and the nature of state society negotiations.

Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective

Social status and legal privilege in the Roman Empire

Introduction Part I: 1. Who stole what? Time and space 2. Antiquity: no markets, but did they invent politics, freedom and the alphabet? 3. Feudalism: transition to capitalism or the collapse of Europe and the domination of Asia 4. Asiatic despots, in Turkey and elsewhere? Part II: 5. Science and civilization in Renaissance Europe 6. The theft of 'civilization': Elias and Absolutist Europe 7. The theft of 'capitalism': Braudel and global comparison Part III: 8. The theft of institutions, towns and universities 9. The appropriation of values: humanism, democracy and individualism 10. Stolen love: European claims to the emotions 11. Last words Bibliography.

The Theft of History

http://www.reteccp.org/biblioteca/dossier/handy.pdf

Human and nature dynamics (HANDY): Modeling inequality and use of resources in the collapse or sustainability of societies

Drawing on William Dawes' unpublished notebooks on the Indigenous languages spoken around Sydney Cove at the time of white settlement, this article hopes to provoke critical reflection on the limits of the law Dawes' record of communication with Patyegarang documents a transaction that was both political and erotic, both about the law and in defiance of it In performances that were gestural as well as verbal, they marked out a middle ground where the laws governing both of them were placed in parentheses and new, provisional, rules of exchange improvised This article notices the existence of this middle ground, and marks its disappearance in subsequent legal discourse about the status of Indigenous people Ultimately, it offers a reflection on the laws that govern the meeting place which the middle ground underwrites That is, before public space became fixed for the legally binding discourse of politics, it was mobile and self-constituting Is this simply a myth or is it a mythopoetic mechanism for rethinking the grounding of law in Australia? If it is the latter, then the next step will be to establish a middle ground of exchange with Indigenous law-giving systems

Public Space: Its Mythopoetic Foundations and the Limits of the Law

Select Contents. Part 1: 1. the Growth of Empire 2. Elements of Empire 3. The Organisation of Empire 4. Government and Governor 5. Taxation and Carvees 6. Restrictions on Magistrates and the Punishment of Delinquents Part 11: 7. The Impact of the Monarchy on the Empire 8. Cities, Municipalities and Local Government 9. Roman and Indigenous Law 10. Roman Citizenship 11. The Working of Patronage 12. Publicity, Theatre and Cult

Imperium Romanum: Politics and Administration

There is no other published book in English studying the constitution of the Roman Republic as a whole. Yet the Greek historian Polybius believed that the constitution was a fundamental cause of the exponential growth of Rome's empire. He regarded the Republic as unusual in two respects: first, because it functioned so well despite being a mix of monarchy, oligarchy and democracy; secondly, because the constitution was the product of natural evolution rather than the ideals of a lawgiver. Even if historians now seek more widely for the causes of Rome's rise to power, the importance and influence of her political institutions remains. The reasons for Rome's power are both complex, on account of the mix of elements, and flexible, inasmuch as they were not founded on written statutes but on unwritten traditions reinterpreted by successive generations. Knowledge of Rome's political institutions is essential both for ancient historians and for those who study the contribution of Rome to the republican tradition of political thought from the Middle Ages to the revolutions inspired by the Enlightenment.

The Constitution of the Roman Republic

Why did the aristocracy of the Roman Republic destroy the system of government which was its basis? The answers given by ancient authorities are moral corruption and personal ambition. The modern student finds only too inevitable the causal nexus of political conflict, violence, military insurrection and authoritarian government. Yet before the era of intense violence Rome had an apparently stable constitution with a long history. In this revised edition of his classic book, for which he has written a new introduction, Andrew Lintott examines the roots of violence in Republican law and society and the growth of violence in city war and the power of armies. It suggests in conclusion that this disaster was more the outcome of folly in the choice of political means than depravity in the choice of ends.

Andrew Lintott

Papers

Imperium Romanum: Politics and Administration

The Constitution of the Roman Republic

Violence in Republican Rome

Rome and its development under Augustus and his successors

Cicero as Evidence