This review of 122 research reports (184 independent samples, 14,900 subjects) found average r = .274 for prediction of behavioral, judgment, and physiological measures by Implicit Association Test (IAT) measures. Parallel explicit (i.e., self-report) measures, available in 156 of these samples (13,068 subjects), also predicted effectively (average r = .361), but with much greater variability of effect size. Predictive validity of self-report was impaired for socially sensitive topics, for which impression management may distort self-report responses. For 32 samples with criterion measures involving Black-White interracial behavior, predictive validity of IAT measures significantly exceeded that of self-report measures. Both IAT and self-report measures displayed incremental validity, with each measure predicting criterion variance beyond that predicted by the other. The more highly IAT and self-report measures were intercorrelated, the greater was the predictive validity of each.

https://faculty.washington.edu/agg/pdf/GPU&B.meta-analysis.JPSP.2009.pdf

Understanding and using the Implicit Association Test: III. Meta-analysis of predictive validity.

A mong earthly organisms, humans have a unique propensity to introspect or look inward into the contents of their own minds, and to share those observations with others. With the ability to introspect comes the palpable feeling of " knowing, " of being objective or certain, of being mentally in control of one's thoughts, aware of the causes of one's thoughts, feelings, and actions, and of making decisions deliberately and rationally. Among the noteworthy discoveries of 20th century psychology was a challenge posed to this assumption of rationality. From the groundbreaking theorizing of Herbert Simon (1955) and the mind-boggling problems posed by Kahneman, Slovik, and Tversky (1982) to striking demonstrations of illusions of control (Wegner, 2002), the paucity of introspection (Nisbett and Wilson, 1977), and the automaticity of everyday thought (Bargh, 1997), psychologists have shown the frailties of the minds of their species. As psychologists have come to grips with the limits of the mind, there has been an increased interest in measuring aspects of thinking and feeling that may not be easily accessed or available to consciousness. Innovations in measurement have been undertaken with the purpose of bringing under scrutiny new forms of cogni-tion and emotion that were previously undiscovered and especially by asking if traditional concepts such as attitude and preference, belief and stereotype, self-concept and self-esteem can be rethought based on what the new measures reveal. These newer measures do not require introspection on the part of the subject. For many constructs this is considered a valuable, if not essential, feature of measurement; for others, avoiding introspection is greeted with suspicion and skepticism. For example, one approach to measuring math ability would be to ask " how good are you at math? " whereas an alternative approach is to infer math ability via a performance on a math skills test. The former requires introspection to assess the relevant construct, the latter does not. And yet, the latter is accepted

https://faculty.washington.edu/agg/pdf/Nosek%20&%20al.IATatage7.2007.pdf

The Implicit Association Test at Age 7: A Methodological and Conceptual Review

Racism is a stressor that contributes to racial/ethnic disparities in mental and physical health and to variations in these outcomes within racial and ethnic minority groups. The aim of this paper is to identify and discuss key issues in the study of individual-level strategies for coping with interpersonal racism. We begin with a discussion of the ways in which racism acts as a stressor and requires the mobilization of coping resources. Next, we examine available models for describing and conceptualizing strategies for coping with racism. Third, we discuss three major forms of coping: racial identity development, social support seeking and anger suppression and expression. We examine empirical support for the role of these coping strategies in buffering the impact of racism on specific health-related outcomes, including mental health (i.e., specifically, self-reported psychological distress and depressive symptoms), self-reported physical health, resting blood pressure levels, and cardiovascular reactivity to stressors. Careful examination of the effectiveness of individual-level coping strategies can guide future interventions on both the individual and community levels.

Coping with racism: a selective review of the literature and a theoretical and methodological critique

Three studies examined the moderating role of motivations to respond without prejudice (e.g., internal and external) in expressions of explicit and implicit race bias. In all studies, participants reported their explicit attitudes toward Blacks. Implicit measures consisted of a sequential priming task (Study 1) and the Implicit Association Test (Studies 2 and 3). Study 3 used a cognitive busyness manipulation to preclude effects of controlled processing on implicit responses. In each study, explicit race bias was moderated by internal motivation to respond without prejudice, whereas implicit race bias was moderated by the interaction of internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice. Specifically, high internal, low external participants exhibited lower levels of implicit race bias than did all other participants. Implications for the development of effective self-regulation of race bias are discussed.

https://www.uky.edu/AS/PoliSci/Peffley/pdf/Sniderman/Devine_Plant_2002_The%20Regulation%20of%20Explicit%20and%20Implicit%20Race%20Bias_JPSP.pdf

The regulation of explicit and implicit race bias: the role of motivations to respond without prejudice.

Effective motor performance is important for surviving and thriving, and skilled movement is critical in many activities. Much theorizing over the past few decades has focused on how certain practice conditions affect the processing of task-related information to affect learning. Yet, existing theoretical perspectives do not accommodate significant recent lines of evidence demonstrating motivational and attentional effects on performance and learning. These include research on (a) conditions that enhance expectancies for future performance, (b) variables that influence learners' autonomy, and (c) an external focus of attention on the intended movement effect. We propose the OPTIMAL (Optimizing Performance through Intrinsic Motivation and Attention for Learning) theory of motor learning. We suggest that motivational and attentional factors contribute to performance and learning by strengthening the coupling of goals to actions. We provide explanations for the performance and learning advantages of these variables on psychological and neuroscientific grounds. We describe a plausible mechanism for expectancy effects rooted in responses of dopamine to the anticipation of positive experience and temporally associated with skill practice. Learner autonomy acts perhaps largely through an enhanced expectancy pathway. Furthermore, we consider the influence of an external focus for the establishment of efficient functional connections across brain networks that subserve skilled movement. We speculate that enhanced expectancies and an external focus propel performers' cognitive and motor systems in productive "forward" directions and prevent "backsliding" into self- and non-task focused states. Expected success presumably breeds further success and helps consolidate memories. We discuss practical implications and future research directions.

/pdf/optimizing-performance-through-intrinsic-motivation-and-45avzipwet.pdf

Optimizing performance through intrinsic motivation and attention for learning: The OPTIMAL theory of motor learning

Three experiments examined the effectiveness of interpersonal confrontations as a means for decreasing stereotypic responding. After making stereotypic inferences about Black individuals, participants were confronted and reactions were measured across various intrapersonal and interpersonal response domains. Confrontations varied in level of hostility (Experiment 1) and whether they were expressed by a Black or White person (Experiment 2). Results indicate that although confrontations (and particularly hostile ones) elicited negative emotions and evaluations toward the confronter, participants also experienced negative self-directed affect. Furthermore, regardless of who did the confronting or how much hostility was expressed, confronted participants subsequently were less likely to provide stereotypic responses (Experiments 1-2), and the effect of the confrontation generalized to reporting less prejudiced attitudes (Experiment 3).

Standing up for a change: reducing bias through interpersonal confrontation.

Participants in two studies reported how they would feel, think, and behave after being confronted about either gender-biased or equivalent racial-biased responses. In Study 2, whether the confrontation was from a target group member (Black or female) or nontarget (White or male) group member was manipulated. Regardless of confronter status, allegations of racial bias elicited more guilt and apologetic-corrective responses and greater concern over having offended the confronter than similar confrontations of gender bias, which elicited more amusement. Target confrontations elicited less guilt but greater discomfort than nontarget confrontations and were associated with feelings of irritation and antagonism among more prejudiced participants. In addition, participants perceived a target’s confrontation as more of an overreaction than the same confrontation from a nontarget. The implications of these findings for prejudice-reduction efforts are discussed.

/pdf/confronting-prejudice-literally-reactions-to-confrontations-40abm76hd9.pdf

Confronting Prejudice (Literally): Reactions to Confrontations of Racial and Gender Bias

A model concerning the establishment and operation of cues for control was developed and tested to understand how control can be exerted over (automatic) prejudiced responses. Cues for control are stimuli that are associated with prejudiced responses and the aversive consequences of those responses (e.g., guilt). In Experiments 1 and 2, 3 events critical to the establishment of cues occurred: behavioral inhibition, the experience of guilt, and retrospective reflection. In Experiment 3, the presentation of already-established cues for control did, as expected, produce behavioral inhibition. In Experiment 4, participants were provided with an experience in which cues could be established. Later presentation of those cues in a different task resulted in behavioral inhibition and less racially biased responses.

Putting the brakes on prejudice: on the development and operation of cues for control.

Although interpersonal confrontations can be effective in reducing expressions of bias (Czopp, Monteith, & Mark, 2006), target group members (e.g., Blacks) may be less effective in their confrontations than nontargets (e.g., Whites) because they are perceived as complainers (e.g., Czopp & Monteith, 2003). This study extends previous research beyond the confrontation dyad and examines evaluations of third parties who witness a biased response and its confrontation by a target or nontarget. In addition, to determine the absolute (rather than relative) effectiveness of target versus nontarget confrontations, this study included a no-confrontation control condition. White participants watched a video debate between two students in which a White speaker expressed negative race-related comments and was either confronted or not by a White or Black speaker. The nontarget's confrontation was rated as more persuasive and increased perceptions of the White speaker's level of bias, whereas the target's confrontation ...

The Effect of Target Status on Witnesses' Reactions to Confrontations of Bias

Stereotypes and their associated category-based processes have traditionally been considered largely within the context of the negativity of their content and consequences, both among the general public and the scientific community. This review summarizes and integrates extant research on positive stereotypes, which are subjectively favorable beliefs about social groups, and examines their implications for individuals and groups directly targeted by such stereotypes. Furthermore, we examine the beneficial and adverse implications of positive stereotypes for interpersonal and intergroup relations, as well as the ways in which positive stereotypes, more so than negative stereotypes, may contribute to and perpetuate systemic differences in power and privilege.

Alexander M. Czopp

Papers

Standing up for a change: reducing bias through interpersonal confrontation.

Confronting Prejudice (Literally): Reactions to Confrontations of Racial and Gender Bias

Putting the brakes on prejudice: on the development and operation of cues for control.

The Effect of Target Status on Witnesses' Reactions to Confrontations of Bias

Positive Stereotypes Are Pervasive and Powerful.