The paper is concerned with spatial clustering of economic activity and its relation to the spatiality of knowledge creation in interactive learning processes. It questions the view that tacit knowledge transfer is confined to local milieus whereas codified knowledge may roam the globe almost frictionlessly. The paper highlights the conditions under which both tacit and codified knowledge can be exchanged locally and globally. A distinction is made between, on the one hand, the learning processes taking place among actors embedded in a community by just being there dubbed buzz and, on the other, the knowledge attained by investing in building channels of communication called pipelines to selected providers located outside the local milieu. It is argued that the co-existence of high levels of buzz and many pipelines may provide firms located in outward-looking and lively clusters with a string of particular advantages not available to outsiders. Finally, some policy implications, stemming from this argumen...

/pdf/clusters-and-knowledge-local-buzz-global-pipelines-and-the-29bsuyvekg.pdf

Clusters and knowledge: local buzz, global pipelines and the process of knowledge creation

The conditions under which transactors can use the market (repeat-purchase) mechanism of contract enforcement are examined. Increased price is shown to be a means of assuring contractual performance. A necessary and sufficient condition for performance is the existence of price sufficiently above salvageable production costs so that the nonperforming firm loses a discounted steam of rents on future sales which is greater than the wealth increase from nonperformance. This will generally imply a market price greater than the perfectly competitive price and rationalize investments in firm-specific assets. Advertising investments thereby become a positive indicator of likely performance.

/pdf/the-role-of-market-forces-in-assuring-contractual-p2lajf4u7h.pdf

The Role of Market Forces in Assuring Contractual Performance

Why we buy what we buy: A theory of consumption values

While the recent focus on knowledge has undoubtedly benefited organizational studies, the literature still presents a sharply contrasting and even contradictory view of knowledge, which at times is described as "sticky" and at other times "leaky." This paper is written on the premise that there is more than a problem with metaphors at issue here, and more than accounts of different types of knowledge (such as "tacit" and "explicit") can readily explain. Rather, these contrary descriptions of knowledge reflect different, partial, and sometimes "balkanized" perspectives from which knowledge and organization are viewed. Taking the community of practice as a unifying unit of analysis for understanding knowledge in the firm, the paper suggests that often too much attention is paid to the idea of community, too little to the implications of practice. Practice, we suggest, creates epistemic differences among the communities within a firm, and the firm's advantage over the market lies in dynamically coordinating the knowledge produced by these communities despite such differences. In making this argument, we argue that analyses of systemic innovation should be extended to embrace all firms in a knowledge economy, not just the classically innovative. This extension will call for a transformation of conventional ideas coordination and of the trade-off between exploration and exploitation.

Knowledge and Organization: A Social-Practice Perspective

Over the past few years, there has been a steadily increasing interest on the part of economists in happiness research. We argue that reported subjective well-being is a satisfactory empirical approximation to individual utility and that happiness research is able to contribute important insights for economics. We report how the economic variables income, unemployment and inflation affect happiness as well as how institutional factors, in particular the type of democracy and the extent of government decentralization, systematically influence how satisfied individuals are with their life. We discuss some of the consequences for economic policy and for economic theory.

What Can Economists Learn from Happiness Research

Principles of Economics.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Principles of Economics: An Introductory Volume

point of view; though in the absence of any statistics of the imports and exports Industry and Trade / 21 of the place, they would to some extent still lack reality. This observation of course does not apply to a residentiary town such as Bournemouth, or Newport in Rhode Island. Industrial leadership has generally been accompanied by a large foreign trade: and, partly for that reason, there is a widespread notion that the volume of her foreign trade is a fairly good measure of a country’s prosperity. Let us inquire broadly how much truth there is in this notion. Much of the mystery which hangs about the trade of a nation may be dispelled by the reflection that the trade between two nations is the aggregate of the trade between their individual members, (the commercial transactions of Governments being left out of account): and that therefore it is likely to present many of the same features as theirs, though in a disguised form. It is obvious that the trade of an individual is not a fairly good measure of his prosperity, unless he be a merchant or shopkeeper: that is, unless he have adopted trade as his industry. The volume of the trade of a merchant is no doubt a prima facie, though not conclusive, proof of his business efficiency and prosperity. But if a man’s main business is to produce, the test is most untrustworthy: because a little energy given to some branches of production leads to a larger trade than much energy given to others. Take, for instance, a woollen manufacturer, who has been in the habit of spinning his own yarn. Suppose him forced to give up his factory, his land being perhaps needed for a new railway. When building on a fresh site, he decides to buy his yarn, and to erect weaving sheds twice as large as his old ones. Henceforward he uses about the same capital, and buys about the same amount of coal and labour as before: but his outlay on yarn for his large weaving shed is much greater than his outlay on wool for the small one used to be; and his output of cloth is about doubled. His trade is greatly increased. Does the change reflect increased prosperity? Is it to his credit? We cannot say. The cause of the change of plan may have been that his weaving sheds were more successful than those of his competitors: but it may have been that his spinning mills were less successful than theirs. Mere volume of trade shows nothing. To find even an approximate answer we must go behind the facts given, and ascertain their causes. This is obviously true of private trade, and it is equally true of national trade. For a country like an individual may increase her trade as a consequence of a decrease in facilities for producing something which she imports. For instance, a bad harvest at home is likely to increase England’s trade. She must import more grain, and export more manufactures to pay for it. On the other hand her trade might be lessened by the discovery of high grade iron ores, which would enable her to dispense with those that she now imports from Spain; or again by an energetic development of dairy and poultry farming, which would enable her to dispense with much of her imports from Denmark. Again improvements in her methods of building motor cars tended to lessen her trade, until her cars were as much sought for as those of France, which she at one time imported largely: and further improvements seem likely to augment her exports of them and

Industry and Trade

Economic conditions are constantly changing, and each generation looks at its own problems in its own way. In England, as well as on the Continent and in America, Economic studies are being more vigorously pursued now than ever before; but all this activity has only shown the more clearly that Economic science is, and must be, one of slow and continuous growth. Some of the best work of the present generation has indeed appeared at first sight to be antagonistic to that of earlier writers; but when it has had time to settle down into its proper place, and its rough edges have been worn away, it has been found to involve no real breach of continuity in the development of the science. The new doctrines have supplemented the older, have extended, developed, and sometimes corrected them, and often have given them a different tone by a new distribution of emphasis; but very seldom have subverted them.  P.1

Alfred Marshall

Papers

Principles of Economics.

Principles of Economics: An Introductory Volume

Industry and Trade

Industry and Trade

The Principles of Economics