Der Aufsatz ... berichtet uber einige der Hauptergebnisse einer grossen internationalen Studie (ICSEY) zur Akkulturation und Adaption von zugewanderten Jugendlichen im Alter von 13 bis 18 Jahren, die in 13 verschiedenen Aufnahmelandern (einschlieslich Deutschland) leben (n = 5.366). Weiterhin wurde eine Stichprobe von einheimischen (im Original: national) Jugendlichen (n = 2.631) untersucht. Die Analyse geht drei Kernfragen nach: Wie gehen die Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund mit dem Akkulturationsprozess um? Wie gut passen sich die Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund an die Gesellschaft und Schule des Aufnahmelandes an? Bestehen bedeutsame Beziehungen zwischen ihrer Akkulturationseinstellung und ihrer sozialen und schulischen Anpassung? Eine Clusteranalyse forderte vier unterschiedliche Profile von Akkulturationseinstellungen der Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund zutage: integrativ, ethnisch, national und diffus. Eine Faktorenanalyse von funf Adaptionsvariablen lies auf zwei verschiedene Formen der Adaption schliessen: psychisch und soziokulturell. Es zeigten sich substantielle Beziehungen zwischen den Akkulturationseinstellungen der Jugendlichen und ihrer Anpassung. Die Jugendlichen mit einem Integrationsprofil weisen die besten Ergebnisse in Bezug auf psychische (Wohlbefinden) und soziokulturelle (schulische und soziale) Adaption auf, wahrend diejenigen mit einem diffusen Akkulturationseinstellungsprofil die ungunstigsten Ergebnisse erreichen. Dazwischen liegen die Jugendlichen mit einem ethnischen Profil, deren Anpassung in Bezug auf ihr Wohlbefinden recht gut, ihre soziale und schulische Anpassung jedoch schlechter ist. Ebenfalls dazwischen liegen die Jugendlichen mit einem nationalen Profil, deren Adaption in psychischer Hinsicht eher ungunstig ist und in soziokultureller Hinsicht eine leicht negative Tendenz aufweist. Dieses Ergebnismuster konnte durch Strukturgleichungsmodelle weitgehend bestatigt werden. Weiterhin zeigen die Analysen dieser Studie, dass wahrgenommene Diskriminierung sowohl mit psychischer als auch mit sozialer Anpassung negativ zusammen hangt und einen stark segregierenden Effekt auf Migranten hat. Die Schlussfolgerungen der Untersuchung fur das Leben der Jugendlichen in einer Einwanderungsgesellschaft sind klar: Jugendliche mit Migrationshintergrund sollten ermutigt werden, einen Bezug zu ihrer Herkunftskultur zu erhalten und gleichzeitig enge Verbindungen zur Aufnahmegesellschaft aufzubauen. (DIPF/Orig.).

Immigrant youth. Acculturation, identity and adaptation

Cet article presente plusieurs des principaux resultats d’une grande etude internationale sur l’acculturation et l’adaptation de jeunes immigres (âges de 13 a 18 ans) qui se sont implantes dans treize pays (N = 5,366); il y est adjoint un echantillon de jeunes nationaux (N = 2,631). La recherche s’appuyait sur trois questions centrales: comment les jeunes migrants gerent-ils le processus d’acculturation? Comment parviennent-ils a s’adapter? Et y a-t-il un lien manifeste entre la forme d’acculturation et le succes de l’adaptation? L’analyse en clusters deboucha sur quatre profils d’acculturation: integrateur, ethnique, national et diffus. L’analyse factorielle de cinq variables d’adaptation mit en evidence deux types d’adaptation: psychologique et socioculturel. Il existe une forte relation entre la facon dont les jeunes s’acculturent et leur adaptation: ceux qui presentent un profil integrateur beneficient des meilleurs indicateurs d’adaptations psychologique et socioculturelle alors que ceux souffrant d’un profil diffus ont les pires. Entre les deux, le profil ethnique presente une adaptation psychologique relativement bonne et une adaptation socioculturelle plutot pauvre, tandis que le profil national a une adaptation psychologique relativement pauvre et une adaptation socioculturelle legerement negative. Cette configuration de resultats fut en grande partie retrouvee a travers une modelisation en equation structurelle. Les consequences pour l’implantation des jeunes immigres sont claires: ils devraient etre encourages a preserver l’appartenance a leur culture d’origine tout en etablissant des liens etroits avec la societe d’accueil.

This paper reports some of the main findings from a large international study of the acculturation and adaptation of immigrant youth (aged 13 to 18 years) who are settled in 13 societies (N= 5,366), as well as a sample of national youth (N= 2,631). The study was guided by three core questions: How do immigrant youth deal with the process of acculturation? How well do they adapt? Are there important relationships between how they acculturate and how well they adapt? Cluster analysis produced four distinct acculturation profiles: integration, ethnic, national, and diffuse. Factor analysis of five adaptation variables revealed two distinct forms of adaptation: psychological and sociocultural. There were substantial relationships between how youth acculturate and how well they adapt: those with an integration profile had the best psychological and sociocultural adaptation outcomes, while those with a diffuse profile had the worst; in between, those with an ethnic profile had moderately good psychological adaptation but poorer sociocultural adaptation, while those with a national profile had moderately poor psychological adaptation, and slightly negative sociocultural adaptation. This pattern of results was largely replicated using structural equation modeling. Implications for the settlement of immigrant youth are clear: youth should be encouraged to retain both a sense of their own heritage cultural identity, while establishing close ties with the larger national society.

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Immigrant Youth: Acculturation, Identity, and Adaptation

The present investigation examined the impact of bicultural identity, bilingualism, and social context on the psychological adjustment of multicultural individuals. Our studies targeted three distinct types of biculturals: Mainland Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong, Filipino domestic workers (i.e., sojourners) in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong and Mainland Chinese college students. Individual differences in Bicultural Identity Integration (BII; Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002) positively predicted psychological adjustment for all the samples except sojourners even after controlling for the personality traits of neuroticism and self-efficacy. Cultural identification and language abilities also predicted adjustment, although these associations varied across the samples in meaningful ways. We concluded that, in the process of managing multiple cultural environments and group loyalties, bilingual competence, and perceiving one's two cultural identities as integrated are important antecedents of beneficial psychological outcomes.

Bicultural identity, bilingualism, and psychological adjustment in multicultural societies: immigration-based and globalization-based acculturation.

The authors have been engaged in research focused on how parents in high-poverty urban communities negotiate understandings and build sustaining relationships with others in school settings. In this article, the authors draw upon ethnographic methodology to report on the stories of three working-class immigrant parents and their efforts to participate in their children’s formal education. Their stories are used as exemplars to illuminate the challenges immigrant parents face as they work to participate in their children’s schooling. In contrasting the three stories, the authors argue that parental engagement needs to be understood through parents’ presence in schooling, regardless of whether that presence is in a formal school space or in more personal, informal spaces, including those created by parents themselves.

The Importance of Presence: Immigrant Parents’ School Engagement Experiences

The acculturation gap-distress model purports that immigrant children acculturate to their new culture at a quicker pace than their parents, leading to family conflict and youth maladjustment. This article reviews literature on the acculturation gap-distress model, showing that acculturation gaps function in unique ways depending on many social and contextual variables. In contrast to the original model, which only discusses 1 type of acculturation gap, there are at least 4 types of acculturation gaps: (1) the child is more acculturated than the parent in the host culture, (2) the child is less acculturated than the parent in the host culture, (3) the child is more acculturated than the parent in the native culture, and (4) the child is less acculturated than the parent in the native culture. A review of research indicates that each of these types of gaps function in unique ways.

Expanding the Acculturation Gap-Distress Model: An Integrative Review of Research.

In this article, Andrew Fuligni notes that, within the field of immigration, the process of acculturation has not been studied as a process of individual change over time. Instead, it has often been inferred from cross-sectional studies examining individual and group differences in adjustment. Fuligni argues that the limitations of traditional cross-sectional designs create a need for studies of acculturation that track the same immigrant children as they encounter and negotiate the potential differences between their own cultural traditions and those of the host society. He suggests an approach for studying acculturation that follows children from different generations across time and throughout their development. This comparative longitudinal approach allows investigators to isolate acculturative change from shifts that would have occurred through the course of the children’s development had they not immigrated. Acculturation can also be examined in terms of both the level and the developmental progression across different aspects of adjustment. This approach allows investigators to use various quantitative and qualitative methods to explore variations within and between immigrants in order to better identify and understand acculturation or acculturative change. Children have figured prominently in the dramatic rise in international migration over the past few decades. In the United States, the number of children with immigrant parents reached 13.8 million in 1997, representing almost one-fifth of American children (Rumbaut, 1998). These trends are perhaps nowhere more apparent than among people from Latin America and Asia, who account for the majority of the foreign-born population in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1997). It has been estimated that

Andrew J. Fuligni

Papers

A Comparative Longitudinal Approach to Acculturation among Children from Immigrant Families