Introduction 1 Freedom's Just Another Word  2 The Construction of Consent 3 The Neoliberal State 4 Uneven Geographical Developments 5 Neoliberalism with 'Chinese Characteristics' 6 Neoliberalism on Trial 7 Freedom's Prospect Notes Bibliography Index

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A Brief History of Neoliberalism

This book demonstrates that people's basic values and beliefs are changing, in ways that affect their political, sexual, economic, and religious behaviour. These changes are roughly predictable: to a large extent, they can be interpreted on the basis of a revised version of modernisation theory presented here. Drawing on a massive body of evidence from societies containing 85 percent of the world's population, the authors demonstrate that modernisation is a process of human development, in which economic development gives rise to cultural changes that make individual autonomy, gender equality, and democracy increasingly likely. The authors present a model of social change that predicts how the value systems play a crucial role in the emergence and flourishing of democratic institutions - and that modernisation brings coherent cultural changes that are conducive to democratisation.

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Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence

It comes as something ofa surprise to reflect that the New York Review ofBooks is now over twenty years old. Even people of my generation (that is, old enough to remember the revolutionary 196os but not young enough to have taken a very exciting part in them) think of the paper as eternally youthful. In fact, it has gone through years of relatively quiet life, yet, as always in a competitive journalistic market, it is the controversies that attract the interest of the reader and to which the history (especially an admittedly impressionistic survey that tries to include something of the intellectual context in which a journal has operated) must give some attention. Not all the attacks which the New York Review has attracted, both early in its career and more recently, are worth more than a brief summary. What do we now make, for example, of Richard Kostelanetz's forthright accusation that 'The New York Review was from its origins destined to publicize Random House's (and especially [Jason] Epstein's) books and writers'?1 Well, simply that, even if the statistics bear out the charge (and Kostelanetz provides some suggestive evidence to support it, at least with respect to some early issues), there is nothing surprising in a market economy about a publisher trying to push his books through the pages of a journal edited by his friends. True, the New York Review has not had room to review more than around fifteen books in each issue and there could be a bias in the selection of

http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3507774.pdf

The New York Review of Books

From a world history perspective, the most noticeable trend in the history of the late 19th century was the domination of Europeans over Non­Europeans. This domination took many forms ranging from economic penetration to outright annexation. No area of the globe, however remote from Europe, was free of European merchants, adventurers, explorers or western missionaries. Was colonialism good for either the imperialist or the peoples of the globe who found themselves subjects of one empire or another? A few decades ago, the answer would have been a resounding no. Now, in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the more or less widespread discrediting of Marxist and Leninist analysis, and the end of the Cold War, political scientists and historians seem willing to take a more positive look at Nineteenth Century Imperialism. One noted current historian, Niall Ferguson has argued that the British Empire probably accomplished more positive good for the world than the last generation of historians, poisoned by Marxism, could or would concede. Ferguson has argued that the British Empire was a \" liberal \" empire that upheld international law, kept the seas open and free, and ultimately benefited everyone by ensuring the free flow of trade. In other words, Ferguson would find little reason to contradict the young Winston Churchill's assertion that the aim of British imperialism was to: give peace to warring tribes, to administer justice where all was violence, to strike the chains off the slave, to draw the richness from the soil, to place the earliest seeds of commerce and learning, to increase in whole peoples their capacities for pleasure and diminish their chances of pain. It should come as no surprise that Ferguson regards the United States current position in the world as the natural successor to the British Empire and that the greatest danger the U.S. represents is that the world will not get enough American Imperialism because U.S. leaders often have short attention spans and tend to pull back troops when intervention becomes unpopular. It will be very interesting to check back into the debate on Imperialism about ten years from now and see how Niall Ferguson's point of view has fared! The other great school of thought about Imperialism is, of course, Marxist. For example, Marxist historians like E.J. Hobsbawm argue that if we look at the l9th century as a great competition for the world's wealth and …

The New Imperialism

The recent trend toward democratization in countries across the globe has challenged scholars to pursue two potentially contradictory goals. On the one hand, they seek to increase analytic differentiation in order to capture the diverse forms of democracy that have emerged. On the other hand, they are concerned with conceptual validity. Specifically, they seek to avoid the problem of conceptual stretching that arises when the concept of democracy is applied to cases for which, by relevant scholarly standards, it is not appropriate. This article argues that the pursuit of these two goals has led to a proliferation of conceptual innovations, including numerous subtypes of democracy – that is to say, democracy "with adjectives." The articles explores the strengths and weaknesses of alternative strategies of conceptual innovation that have emerged: descending and climbing Sartori's ladder of generality, generating "diminished" subtypes of democracy, "precising" the definition of democracy by adding defining attributes, and shifting the overarching concept with which democracy is associated. The goal of the analysis is to make more comprehensible the complex structure of these strategies, as well as to explore trade-offs among the strategies. Even when scholars proceed intuitively, rather than self-consciously, they tend to operate within this structure. Yet it is far more desirable for them to do so self-consciously, with a full awareness of these trade-offs.

Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research

The historic long term economic interconnections of the world are now universally accepted. The idea of the economic 'world system' advanced by Immanuel Wallerstein has set the period of linkage in the early modern period but Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills think that this date is much too late. They argue an interconnection going back as much as 5000 years. In The World System, leading academics examine this issue, in a debate contributed to by William H. McNeill and Immanuel Wallerstein among others.

The World System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand?

By evoking the US counter-insurgency catch phrase 'low intensity conflict', it is out intention to show that perhaps more than at any other time in the recent past, today the struggle to define 'democracy' has become a major ideological battle. 'Democracy' has replaced 'development' as the buzzword for the 1990s. Democracy seems to be sweeping the globe, driving before it both communist party dictatorships and rightist military regimes on every continent. Yet the paradox of this new wave of democratisation is that its 'success' is built upon the failure of 'development' both in the Third World and the former Second World. Some have tried to explain this wave of political change as the historical triumph of an idea/ideal, heralding the dawn of a grand new age of global democracy. Alternatively, there are grounds to be sceptical of both the purported causes, and the ends, of this putative democratic new world order. Whereas some regard formal democracy to be sufficient in itself, if the content of this new democracy is critically examined it may be found to be seriously flawed on many counts. This article began as a book project involving a series of case studies of transitions from authoritarian to democratic regimes in the Third World. * In these studies, the contributors to the project discovered that the institutions of formal democracy that have recently re-emerged in many countries of the Third World have failed to broaden popular political participation in a very meaningful way. They found little evidence to support the widespread assumption that formal electoral democratisation alone would bring about a lasting progressive breakthrough in these societies or that it is capable of solving their fundamental social and especially economic problems. What should more accurately be called 'elite democracies' in effect coexist with tacit military dictatorships. Social reform agendas that could have established the basis for broader popular participation and greater social justice have been abandoned. Human rights violations continue virtually unabated. The new regimes are more readily manipulated by external forces such as the International Monetary Fund or via bilateral political and economic pressures, particularly from the USA. Economic policies often mandate austerity for the majority without, in most cases, bringing about significant economic growth. Progressive movements find it virtually impossible to implement an agenda for reform when powerful domestic and international groups opposing such change, not least the military, remain in place.

Low intensity democracy

List of Tables and Figures Foreword: The Social Left and the Market System J.K.Galbraith Acknowledgements List of Acronyms Notes on the Contributors PART I: GLOBALIZATION AND RESISTANCE: THINKING THROUGH POLITICS Introduction: Globalization and the Politics of Resistance B.K.Gills Overturning 'Globalization': Resisting Teleology, Reclaiming Politics L.Amoore, R.Dodgson, B.K.Gills, P.Langley, D.Marshall & I.Watson Conceptualizing Resistance to Globalism J.Mittleman & C.Chin Resisting 'Globalization-From-Above' Through 'Globalization-From-Below' R.Falk Globalization versus Community: Stakeholding, Communitarianism and the Challenge of Globalization R.J.B.Jones Globalization and Democratic Provisionism R.Latham Rearticulation of the State in a Globalizing World Economy J.A.Hart & A.Prakash False Prophets and the Politics of the Retreat of the State I.R.Douglas PART II: STRATEGIES OF RESISTANCE: FROM THE LOCAL TO THE GLOBAL Social Movements, Local Places and Globalized Spaces: Implications for 'Globalization from Below' P.Waterman From National Resistance to International Labor Politics D.Stevis & T.Boswell Globalization and American Common Sense: Struggling to Make Sense of a Post-Hegemonic World M.Rupert Globalization and Emancipation: From Local Empowerment to Global Reform J.N.Pieterse 'Corporate Welfare' Campaigns in North America K.P.Thomas Neoliberal Globalization, Social Welfare and Trade Unions in Southeast Asia J.D.Schmidt Globalization, Islam, and Resistance M.K.Pasha Mexico, Neoliberal Restructuring and the EZLN: A Neo-Gramscian Analysis A.D.Morton Globalization and Local Resistance: The Case of Shell versus the Ogoni C.I.Obi Structural Adjustment and the Response of Civil Society in Bangladesh and Zimbabwe: A Comparative Analysis S.J.MacLean, F.Quadir & T.M.Shaw Index

Globalization and the politics of resistance

In this introductory article we examine the recent resurgence of South–South cooperation, which has moved once again onto the centre stage of world politics and economics, leading to a renewed interest in its historic promise to transform world order. We provide an overview of contemporary debates surrounding this resurgence, noting in particular the division between those who are optimistic with regard to the potential of Southern economic development and the project of liberation from Northern domination, and the more pessimistic critics, who see this very success of the South as being subsumed within the existing global capitalist development paradigm.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/01436597.2015.1128817

Barry K. Gills

Papers

The World System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand?

Low intensity democracy

Globalization and the politics of resistance

South–South cooperation and the rise of the Global South

Low intensity democracy : political power in the new world order