We may not be able to make you love reading, but archaeology of knowledge will lead you to love reading starting from now. Book is the window to open the new world. The world that you want is in the better stage and level. World will always guide you to even the prestige stage of the life. You know, this is some of how reading will give you the kindness. In this case, more books you read more knowledge you know, but it can mean also the bore is full.

The archaeology of knowledge

The Personal Interview

1 July 7, 2010, marks the fifth anniversary of the 2005 terrorist attacks on London’s Metro system. In 2005, terrorists launched a coordinated attack against London’s transportation system, with 3 bombs detonating simultaneously at three different Metro stations and a fourth bomb exploding an hour later on a city bus. In all, there were 52 victims in these bombings with an additional 700 injuries resulting. The four terrorists who executed the attacks were killed in the explosions.

National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism

Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

국제정치이론 = Theory of international politics

The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens. By Seyla Benhabib. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 251p. $65.00 cloth, $23.99 paper. Between 1910 and 2000, the world's population more than tripled, from 1.6 to 5.3 billion. The number of persons who live as migrants in countries other than those in which they were born increased nearly sixfold, from 33 million to 175 million, and more than half of this increase has occurred since 1965. Almost 20 million of these are refugees, asylum seekers, and internally displaced persons. In her book, Seyla Benhabib grapples with both the political and moral implications of this rapid increase in transnational migration, arguing that the central principles that shape our thinking about political membership and state sovereignty are in tension, if not outright contradiction, with one another. “From a philosophical point of view,” she writes, “transnational migrations bring to the fore the constitutive dilemma at the heart of liberal democracies: between sovereign self-determination claims on the one hand and adherence to universal human rights principles on the other” (p. 2). She argues for an internal reconstruction of both, underscoring the significance of membership in bounded communities, while at the same time promoting the cultivation of democratic loyalties that exceed the national state, supporting political participation on the part of citizens and noncitizen residents alike.

The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens

This article questions the current narrative paradigm and argues that al-Shabaab attacks Kenya for strategic and highly rational reasons, beyond sharing a border and having bases in southern Somalia closer to major population centres than Ethiopia or Uganda. Al-Shabaab targets Kenya more than other frontline states because of the opportunity spaces linked to Kenya’s international status and visibility, its relatively free and independent media that widely publicizes terrorist attacks, a highly developed and lucrative tourist sector that provides soft targets, the comparatively high number of Kenyan foreign fighters within the group’s ranks, the presence of terror cells in Kenya, expanding democratic space, and high levels of corruption. These variables play into al-Shabaab’s motivations and aid planning and execution of terrorist acts that aim to fulfil the group’s quest to survive by maintaining relevance. In order to address this predictable menace, we offer a number of measures that Kenya needs...

Why al-Shabaab Attacks Kenya: Questioning the Narrative Paradigm

As the United States’ titular position in the international system is seemingly in retreat, questions regarding the efficacy of the post-World War II liberal order have surfaced. In this emerging multipolar world, two distinct constellations of power are forming. In one camp are states that largely support the current global governance structure; in the other, states that wish to upend or at least refashion the American-led structure that many say favors status-quo powers over rising states. Nowhere is this division more apparent than in the “Indo-Pacific.” As this article shows, the Indo-Pacific is increasingly used by governments and leaders as a central organizing idea around which choices are made about their position in the future global order. Although, as a concept, the Indo-Pacific means, and will mean, different things to different people, the number of nascent state strategies tethered to this neologism indicates the term’s powerful salience. Under the banner “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” these strategies are crafted in response to the general “threat” of a China-dominated world and evince a shift in the position of certain state actors is underway; from causal adherence or outright disinterest in upholding the U.S. post-War global governance structure to one of increasing support.

https://risingpowersproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/vol3.2-cannon-rossiter.pdf

The “Indo-Pacific”: Regional Dynamics in the 21st Century’s New Geopolitical Center of Gravity

Upon Eritrean independence in 1993, Ethiopia became landlocked and therefore dependent on neighbors – especially Djibouti – for access to international markets. This dependency has hampered Ethiopia’s aspiration to emerge as the uncontested regional power in the Horn of Africa. This article explains how Ethiopia has attempted to manipulate extra-regional interest in the Horn’s coastal zone to alleviate the major economic and political liabilities associated with landlockedness. Previewing the main argument, this article shows how Ethiopia was able to anticipate dangers and opportunities linked to growing involvement of Gulf Arab States in the ports of the region, and how it embarked on an expeditionary foreign policy mission in the Gulf (specifically in the UAE) in order to steer investment towards the port town where Addis Ababa could derive the most strategic advantage – Berbera in semi-autonomous Somaliland. Moreover, this under-reported development in the port architecture of the Horn of Africa will, we argue, have important implications for the balance of power in the Horn and potentially for Ethiopia’s bid to ascend to the top of the region’s local hierarchy.

https://risingpowersproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/vol2.4-cannon-rossiter.pdf

Ethiopia, Berbera Port and the Shifting Balance of Power in the Horn of Africa

The Republic of Turkey’s diplomatic and development efforts in Somalia are impressive by any standard and Turkey’s involvement in Somalia is assessed to be mutually constitutive for both Turkey and Somalis in positions of leadership, mainly in Mogadishu. However, the reasoning and rationale behind Turkey’s initial foreign policy foray into Somalia in 2011 remain largely ill-defined and under-explored. This article attempts to deconstruct the causes and conditions that led to Turkey's involvement in Somalia and gauge Turkey's subsequent actions. It also looks at the various Somali reactions and actions in relation to Turkey as well as the long-term prospects for both Turkey and Somalia. The research demonstrates the largely positive actions of Turkey in Somalia were primarily motivated by the desire for international recognition as an emerging power as well as humanitarian concerns. In addition, Turkish money and aid donations delivered directly and unilaterally to key Somali stakeholders assisted Turkey's foray and allowed it the access and influence it required to fulfill its goals. Finally, the unilateral and highly-coordinated nature of Turkey's involvement, largely eschewing coordination with other international and regional actors already operating in Somalia, has arguably been crucial to Turkey’s nimble successes.

https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1188&context=bildhaan

Deconstructing Turkey's efforts in Somalia

Addressing border security appears to be a plausible approach for states that suffer from terrorism. Kenya’s border wall is to keep terrorists out of Kenya. Utilizing a comparative approach, this paper explores the efficacy of border walls, particularly Kenya’s wall with Somalia. Findings show that walls rarely accomplish stated goals and have unintended consequences. In Kenya’s case, it may reignite border disputes and separate communities. The success of Kenya’s border wall is low given the high levels of corruption and the fact that walls have been demonstrated to only be as good as the people who guard them.

/pdf/terrorists-geopolitics-and-kenya-s-proposed-border-wall-with-5axkxw624g.pdf

Brendon J. Cannon

Papers

Why al-Shabaab Attacks Kenya: Questioning the Narrative Paradigm

The “Indo-Pacific”: Regional Dynamics in the 21st Century’s New Geopolitical Center of Gravity

Ethiopia, Berbera Port and the Shifting Balance of Power in the Horn of Africa

Deconstructing Turkey's efforts in Somalia

Terrorists, Geopolitics and Kenya’s Proposed Border Wall with Somalia