Preface Introduction Part I. The Intellectual Context: The Conditions of Enquiry: 1. Manuscripts John F. D'Amico 2. Printing and censorship Paul F. Grendler 3. The Renaissance concept of philosophy Cesare Vasoli 4. Translation, terminology and style in philosophical discourse Brain P. Copenhaver 5. Humanism Paul Oskar Kristeller Part II. Philosophy and its Parts: Logic and Language: 6. Traditional logic E. J. Ashworth 7. Humanistic logic Lisa Jardine Part III. Natural Philosophy: 8. Traditional natural philosophy William A. Wallace 9. The new philosophy of nature Alfonso Ingegno 10. Astrology and magic Brian P. Copenhaver 11. Moral philosophy Jill Kraye 12. Political philosophy Quentin Skinner Part IV. Psychology: 13. The concept of psychology Katharine Park and Eckhard Kessler 14. The organic soul Katharine Park 15. The intellective soul Eckhard Kessler 16. Metaphysics Charles H. Lohr Part V. Problems of Knowledge and Action: 17. Fate, fortune, providence and human freedom Antonino Poppi 18. Theories of knowledge Richard H. Popkin 19. Epistemology of the sciences Nicholas Jardine Part VI. Philosophy and Humanistic Disciplines: 20. Rhetoric and poetics Brian Vickers 21. The theory of history Donald R. Kelley Supplementary material Appendices 22. The availability of ancient works Anthony Grafton 23. The rise of the philosophical textbook Charles B. Schmitt Bibliographies Michael J. Wilmott and Charles B. Schmitt Bibliography Michael J. Wilmott and Charles B. Schmitt Index.

The Cambridge history of Renaissance philosophy

Румянцев Станислав Андреевич - аспирант кафедры предпринимательского права факультета права Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики». Адрес: 101000, Российская Федерация, г. Москва, ул. Мясницкая, д. 20. E-mail: srumyantsev@hse.ruВ настоящем обзоре приведены тезисы участников круглого стола по вопросам кредитования, который прошел в Национальном исследовательском университете «Высшая школа экономики». Основной темой для обсуждения стали подходы, которые применяются в действующем законодательстве для регулирования отношений банков и заемщиков. По мнению участников, законодательные меры должны учитывать баланс интересов контрагентов и не допускать предоставления преимуществ одной стороне за счет ущемления правомерных интересов другой.

Кредитный договор: поиск баланса интересов банка и заемщика (обзор круглого стола на факультете права Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики»)

This latest volume in the celebrated Cambridge History of Literary Criticism surveys literary criticism of the Romantic period, chiefly in Europe. Its seventeen chapters are by internationally respected academics and explore a range of key topics and themes. The book is designed to help readers locate essential information and to develop approaches and viewpoints for a deeper understanding of issues discussed by Romantic critics or those that were fundamental to their works. Primary and secondary bibliographies provide a guide for further research.

The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism

Marsilio Ficino completed the third part of his De vita libri tres, titled De vita coelitus comparanda, in July of 1489; by the fall of that year he felt obliged to write an Apologia on behalf of his new book. Though it was destined to be the most popular of his original works, this analysis and defense of astrological magic and medicine caused Ficino worry from the moment of its composition. The Apology shows that he was particularly anxious about the religious orthodoxy of De vita III, among whose readers he expected to find many ignorant critics and some malignant:

Scholastic philosophy and Renaissance magic in the De vita of Marsilio Ficino.

summary): This dissertation studies the persistence within modern Anglicanism of (a) a classical "high view" of Scripture as the exemplar of creation, (b) the apologetic and phenomenological advantages of this view in the wake of Joseph Butler (1692-1752) due to (c) the kind of theodicy the Bible displays in contrast to more rationalistic proposals from deism to panentheism. (d) Finally, the view of theodicy and Scripture one takes will determine whether or not one reads the two books of Scripture and nature figurally. The "high view" was undercut by nineteenth-century sectarian polemics between Protestants and Tractarians. Yet a minority kept this tradition alive. Lionel Thornton (18841960) is important to this project because he escaped from Tractarian and Protestant dead ends. The dissertation lays out this broader Anglican story and then focuses on Thornton, for whose work I provide historical context and a detailed examination. I first analyze his early, philosophical-theological period where he defended an incarnational theodicy over against the panentheistic-monist alternative: the "soul-making" theodicy. Thornton's theodicy led him to take up a realist ("Platonist") metaphysic and phenomenology in order to resist the monist tendency to smooth over antinomies in Scripture and nature, especially the problem of evil. Next, I look at the theodical alternatives through the lens of Thornton and his mentor, John Neville Figgis (1866-1919). In contrast to the Modernist monism of Charles Raven and others, Figgis and Thornton resisted the temptation to offer an etiology of evil. They concluded that grace overcame evil by reordering the past. The last chapter, therefore, looks at Thornton’s view of the temporal and cosmic reach of Christ's reordering work of "recapitulation", and the hermeneutical consequences that follow: namely, that having reunited creation by rescuing it from the dispersive power of evil, every trivial detail of creation came to reflect Christ. I argue that this way of handling the Bible follows consistently from a biblical, non-monist, theodicy. Furthermore, I believe Thornton's project shared a family resemblance to Butler's, for, like the latter's, it indicated that the rejection of figural reading implied methodological atheism. This larger argument touches on contemporary hermeneutical debates within the Church. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/1807/90365

From Butler to Thornton: A Typology of Conflicting Readings of the Two Books of Scripture and Nature in the Church of England from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century

Summary Theological speculations on God's relation to place and space were introduced into the Jewish tradition by the early rabbis, initially in response to the previous appearance of words like māqom (place) in Biblical literature In the Middle Ages, Jewish philosophers modified these rabbinical ideas in the context of Aristotelian, Neoplatonic, and anti-Aristotelian currents within Jewish thought One development in medieval Jewish thought of special interest for the development of ideas of space was the rise of Cabala, which Christian thinkers of the Renaissance and early modern periods saw as a sacred and primeval deposit of wisdom akin to prisca theologia Both Henry More and, under More's influence, Joseph Raphson made use of Cabalist ideas in developing their own theologies of space Isaac Newton was aware of these Jewish ideas but for the most part repudiated them, while making some use of māqom as an expression of God's omnipresence

Jewish theologies of space in the scientific revolution: Henry More, Joseph Raphson, Isaac Newton and their predecessors

With Marin Mersenne and Rene Descartes, Pierre Gassendi was eminent among the generation of European thinkers who decisively discredited what the previous century called "the occult philosophy." When Henry Cornelius Agrippa used that phrase in the title of his famous book of 1510, he could take for granted a philosophical theory of natural magic as part of a larger system of natural philosophy. More than a hundred years later Gassendi and his colleagues shook the foundations of natural magic by displacing its chief philosophical supports, replacing the hylemorphic apparatus of matter and form, substance and accident as taught in Peripatetic school philosophy with new corpuscular and mechanical paradigms. 1 Just as these new theories had an empirical basis in actual or putative experience-when Descartes meditated on bouncing tennis balls or when Pascal's brother-in-law carried a tube of mercury up the Puy-deDome-so was the theory of natural magic instantiated by reference to a set of material objects, objects odd enough to count as magical and bearing properties that eluded the matter-theory that prevailed in Europe from

A tale of two fishes: magical objects in natural history from antiquity through the scientific revolution.

Did Science Have a Renaissance

F or understanding how the revival of occultism of the late Quattrocento rested on previous accomplishments of Christian scholarship and anticipated later movements of religious reformation, Lef~vre d'Etaples's De magia naturali (1492-94) is an important source. But his six books on natural magic were never printed, and survive today only in three manuscripts: one a fragment, one partially illegible, and another only recently discovered.1 Full appreciation of Lef~vre's treatise awaits labours of editing and interpretation which will make De magia naturali widely accessible to students of Renaissance thought. Here my intention is simply to shed light on the significance and depth of the work by studying Lef~vre's development of one Cabalist themethe secret names of God-in the final chapters of book two of De magia naturali. The argument of these chapters is terse and deliberately obscure, so I beg the reader's indulgence in opening this essay with a description of mysteries which I hope eventually to make less dark than the mysteries themselves. Lefivre titled his second book De Pithagorica philosophia quae ad Magiam introducit, and devoted its first thirteen chapters to astrological and theological implications of numerology.2 In chapter fourteen this investigation of the power and meaning of numbers leads to a new topic, the 'mysterious Cabala' through which 'the more secret Hebrews' claim to be able to 'call up the secrets of all wisdom and work all miracles-even more than the magicians.' This Hebrew magic depends on certain divine numbers, for 'just as ... words which do not form the divine names are empty, inefficacious, and powerless, so those numbers not drawn from the divine numbers are ... ineffectual for the secret work of magic.' On this mystical combination of words and numbers depends 'the secret philosophy of Pythagoras,' who learned the magic of numbers from the arcana of the Syrians and Egyptians. Lef~vre seems to have

Lefevre d'Etaples, Symphorien Champier, and the Secret Names of God

This text focuses on the hand as a meeting place for matter, mind, and spirit. More than 80 images, dating primarily from the 15th to the 17th centuries, concern the acquisition and dissemination of knowledge from such diverse realms as anatomy, psychology, mathematics, music rhetoric, religions, palmistry, and alchemy. The book also addresses the relationship between the hand and the brain, sensory perception, the rhetoric of gesture, early forms of finger-spelling for the deaf, morality, and spirituality. It reintroduces early modern conceptual frameworks for learning, remembering, and recalling practical and abstract concepts by means of the hand. Throughout the text, images of the hand play a vital role in interpreting the search for achieving knowledge of the self and interpreting universal human experience.

/pdf/writing-on-hands-memory-and-knowledge-in-early-modern-europe-1gxqq5stel.pdf

Brian P. Copenhaver

Papers

Jewish theologies of space in the scientific revolution: Henry More, Joseph Raphson, Isaac Newton and their predecessors

A tale of two fishes: magical objects in natural history from antiquity through the scientific revolution.

Did Science Have a Renaissance

Lefevre d'Etaples, Symphorien Champier, and the Secret Names of God

Writing on Hands: Memory and Knowledge in Early Modern Europe