Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nat...

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/2347797020906647

Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014:

India–Japan special strategic and global partnership

As Asia’s largest and most rapidly rising powers in contemporary global politics, relations between India and China are becoming evermore intertwined with each other. Clear commonalities typify this symbiosis, including a shared civilisational basis, a mutual desire to rebecome great powers in international relations and common modernisation goals. At the same time, relations are beset by a number of issues, most notably long-standing territorial disputes, frictions over regional hegemony and wider diplomatic tensions (most prominently relating to China–Pakistan and India–United States ties). As such, India–China relations can be considered to resemble a ‘double-edged sword’, whereby elements of their interaction can be regarded as having concurrent benefits and liabilities. This article explores the historical roots and contemporary realisation of such a core dynamic over the last 75 years of relations between New Delhi and Beijing and investigates how their strategic goals are often simultaneously convergent and divergent.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/09749284221089530

The Double-Edged Sword: Reviewing India–China Relations

Technological advancement in the realm of nuclear weapons has emerged as one of the most salient security issues in the context of two South Asian states, India and Pakistan. Newly emerging India-Pakistan animosities, historical and ongoing power progression of New Delhi distresses Pakistan's security framework. India's endurance of military modernization and stronghold of political leadership under Modi in order to seek power status is shaping distrust for Pakistan as both states assume each other as rival neighbours who raise serious concerns. The nuclear arms race and uncertainties in India's nuclear doctrine has triggered Pakistan's assessment of their security paradigm that has added fire to the already existing security dilemma. Thus, demands and acquires the dire need to discuss loopholes which the article explores about India's intentions regarding Pakistan as well as to certain level with China, Nuclearization implications for Pakistan and how Pakistan should overcome it for its deterrence.

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Strategic Uncertainty in Indias Nuclear Doctrine: Collusive Threat, Implications for Pakistan

This article introduces the special issue on Narendra Modi and India’s foreign policy. It observes that there is little consensus about the effectiveness of the Modi government’s management of international relations. Some argue that since it first came to power in May 2014 it has transformed India’s foreign policy and proved far more successful than its predecessors in handling the country’s key relationships and challenges. Others contend that India’s basic strategy is unchanged and that New Delhi’s position is weaker today in important areas, notably regarding China and Pakistan than it was under earlier regimes. This article introduces this debate and the analytical questions addressed in the special issue concerning the extent of prime ministerial autonomy in foreign policymaking, the role of ideas and ideology, and the question of how far India’s agency is constrained by structural impediments, both in its immediate region and further afield.

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Introduction: Narendra Modi and India’s foreign policy

This article highlights the dominant aims of the current BJP government concerning India’s foreign policy. Using a constructivist-centered and discourse-orientated approach, it distils the three prevailing strategic goals integral to the Narendra Modi-led regime, namely gaining great power recognition; realizing a multipolar world order; and enacting the “Act East” policy. The study finds that, although proof of a prevailing “Modi Doctrine” is scarce, the presence of these three aims is notably consistent and prevalent within official discourses and scholarly accounts of the foreign policy preferences of the second NDA. Their repetition and reiteration constitutes evidence of both a significant acceleration and a noteworthy tone shift concerning how Indian foreign policy has been conceptualized and conducted since 2014.

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Chris Ogden

Papers

Tone shift : India’s dominant foreign policy aims under Modi