British history contains several periods of major Cultural change. It remains controversial as to how much these periods coincided with substantial immigration from continental Europe. even for those that Occurred most recently. In this study, we examine genetic data for evidence of male immigration at particular times into Central England and North Wales. To do this, we used 12 biallelic polymorphisms and six microsatellite markers to define high-resolution Y chromosome haplotypes in a sample of 3 13 males from seven towns located along an east-west transect from East Anglia to North Wales. The Central English towns were genetically very similar, whereas the two North Welsh towns differed significantly both from each other and from the Central English towns. When we compared our data with an additional 177 samples collected in Friesland and Norway. We found that the Central English and Frisian samples were statistically indistinguishable. Using novel population genetic models that incorporate both mass migration and continuous gene flow, we conclude that these striking patterns are best explained by a substantial migration of Anglo-Saxon Y chromosomes into Central England (contributing 50%-100% to the gene pool Lit that time) but not into North Wales.

/pdf/y-chromosome-evidence-for-anglo-saxon-mass-migration-drgom216er.pdf

Y Chromosome Evidence for Anglo-Saxon Mass Migration

List of illustrations Preface Acknowledgements Introduction A Native at Home: Producing Ethnographic Fragments of Neo-Shamanisms 1. 'White-Shamans': Sources for Neo-Shamans 2. Plastic Medicine Men? Appraising the 'Great Pretenders' 3. Taliesin's Trip, Wyrd Woden: Druid and Heathen Neo-Shamans 4. 'Celtic' and 'Northern' Shamanisms? Contesting the Past 5. 'Sacred' Sites? Neo-Shamans and Prehistoric Heritage 6. Waking Neolithic Ancestors: Further Controversies and 'Reburial' 7. Invading Anthros, Thieving Archos, Wannabe Indians: Academics, Neo-Shamans and Indigenous Communities Conclusion: Neo-Shamans in Post-modernity Appendix Resolution of the 5th Annual Meeting of the Tradition Elders Circle & AIM Resolution References Index

Shamans/Neo-Shamans: Ecstasy, alternative archaeologies and contemporary Pagans

(1970). The scientific analysis of ancient ceramics: A review. World Archaeology: Vol. 1, Analysis, pp. 375-389.

The scientific analysis of ancient ceramics: A review

The seventh century in Anglo-Saxon England offers a particularly rich historical period in which to examine the material effects of cultural contact between disparate cultures. As it lacks close contemporary textual accounts of the events taking place and the cultural response to the resultant changes, the material record becomes the site upon which that dialogue plays out. This study is primarily concerned with the art of what might be considered a transitional period in Anglo-Saxon England, the seventh century, between the arrival of the papal mission from Rome in 597 CE and the beginning of the eighth century when Christianity seems to have become well established throughout much of the region. At its core, this study is intended to present an iconographic, art historical examination of the artwork produced in this historical period, focusing predominantly on decorated metalwork, specifically personal ornament, as a medium for the transmission of iconography. To that end, given the scope of the historical events and material artefacts encompassed within that time period, it will focus primarily on traditional iconography, the so-called Germanic motifs, and their persistence and resurgence in response to the incoming Mediterranean influences. The artwork, specifically the metalwork, demonstrates a valuation and retention of longstanding traditions, both iconographic and aesthetic, which seem to be in direct response to the introduction of a competing culture. This embracing of tradition does not mean that significant cultural change was occurring throughout the seventh century, nor does it necessarily indicate a societal resistance to that change; however it does reveal that there was a level of uncertainty about the changes taking place and a resultant desire for the familiar, symbolic and significant traditions of the remembered past.

Iconography in Dialogue: Negotiating Tradition and Cultural Contact in the Art of Seventh Century Anglo-Saxon England

/pdf/the-cambridge-history-of-greek-and-roman-warfare-31b721vs60.pdf

The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare

This article is something both more and less than the lecture that it represents. The lecture was given in London last December to open the Conference on the Southern British Iron Age which is reported here below by Mr Frere (p. 183). But it had the disadvantage of all introductory lectures to conferences, that they cannot anticipate what the other speakers will be saying later. And in this case, what the others said later was sometimes so new and striking as to leave the introductory lecture rather far behind. Of course, that was the measure of the conference’s success; yet I was gratified to find that what had happened, by the end, was that the others had not so much contradicted as carried further, in their various special fields, much of what was suggested in my more general talk. This surely means—and I think we can be gratified all round—that in the dozen years since the Council for British Archaeology last caused a general survey to be put forward, or the twenty years since Childe was writing in Prehistoric Communities, we have taken our Iron Age studies through a process of expansion, and of revaluation, and yet have emerged still pretty well together. These milestones in their history are worth remembering. Horae Ferales, in which Kemble and Franks first brought our Iron Age metalwork to recognition, appeared in 1863, and John Evans’s Coins of the Ancient Britons in 1864; Arthur Evans’s monograph on the Aylesford cemetery, with both metalwork and pottery shown for the first time in their European setting, in 1890; Canon Greenwell’s on the Yorkshire chariot-burials in 1906.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0003598X00027460

The A B C of the British Iron Age

The buckle (PL. Iva) was found during the latest season of excavation on the site of the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Finglesham [I]. It has not yet been sent for laboratory treatment, but though some of its constructional details are obscured by the corrosion of the bronze backplate, all its other surfaces, including the underside of the loop and tongue and the edges of the ornamental plate, have been protected during the long centuries underground by a layer of very good, bright yellow, gilding. As it lay in the grave, indeed, the metal gleamed with very nearly the incorruptible brilliance of gold itself, and the front of the buckle has since needed only the gentlest of washing to be revealed in its present smooth, glossy and almost unflawed state. The ornament of the plate, thus perfectly preserved in its pristine condition, could at once be seen as something out of the common, and something of the greatest interest for students not only of Germanic art and archaeology, but of Germanic religion and mythology too.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0003598X00031379

The Finglesham Man

The arid plateau of the Judaean wilderness drops on the east to the trough of the Dead Sea in a long range of sheer cliffs, which are pierced about 32 miles south of the mouth of the Jordan by the ravine of the Wad-el-Hâfâf. On its northern flank a huge mass of their red limestone has split away to form an isolated flat-topped crag standing 1700 feet above the Dead Sea about a mile and a half from its western shore.

The Roman Siege of Masada

Late Celtic Europe is discernible along three lines: from sources in texts, in coins, and in general archaeology. Where all converge, on any portion of its story, visibility ought to be good. Such a portion is the tale of the folk whose name was (in the Romans' spelling) Belgae. Julius Caesar, within the Gaul that he conquered in 58-51 BC, met Belgae first in the basin of the Marne, and then throughout between the Seine, the sea and the Rhine [I]. Their distinctness from neighbour Celts, which he opened his Memoirs on the Gallic War by stressing [2], was afterwards declared in Strabo’s Geography to have been quite slight in language [3]. Yet they themselves could account for it by old tradition, which Caesar learnt, on approaching the Marne, from envoys sent him by their tribe the Remi. ‘Germani,’ beyond the Rhine, had been ancestors of most of them, and these had crossed it and acquired their present good lands with eviction of Gallic occupants. In the north-east part of the country, towards the lower Rhine and in the Meuse/Maas basin, tribes could still use ‘Germani’ as their common name [5]; one supposes them therefore ‘more Germanic’ than the rest. None the less, the envoys reckoned them Belgae in the broader sense [6]. In that same sense, after Caesar’s war was won, the Roman government called all the province ‘Belgica’. But there is something more to add. The Gallic War employs another land-name, ‘Belgium’. What did this mean?

New Thoughts on the Belgae

REPORT ON THE EXCAVATION OF THE PREHISTORIC, ROMAN, AND POST-ROMAN SITE IN LYDNEY PARK, GLOUCESTERSHIRE. By R. E. M. Wheeler, D.LIT., F.S.A., and T. V. Wheeler, F.S.A., pp. VIII, 137, with 28 text-figures and 52 plates. (Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London, no. IX). Oxford : printed at the University Press. 7s 6d.

Christopher Hawkes

Papers

The A B C of the British Iron Age

The Finglesham Man

The Roman Siege of Masada

New Thoughts on the Belgae