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Cognition In The Wild

The course is focused on historical texts, most of them philosophical. Context for understanding the texts and the course of democratic development will be provided in lecture and discussions, and by some background readings (Dunn). We begin with the remarkable Athenian democracy, and its frequent enemy the Spartan oligarchy. In Athens legislation was passed directly by an assembly of all citizens, and executive officials were selected by lot rather than by competitive election. Athenian oligarchs such as Plato more admired Sparta, and their disdain for the democracy became the judgment of the ages, until well after the modern democratic revolutions. Marsilius of Padua in the early Middle Ages argued for popular sovereignty. The Italian citystates of the Middle Ages did without kings, and looked back to Rome and Greece for republican models. During the English Civil War republicans debated whether the few or the many should be full citizens of the regime. The English, French, and American revolutions struggled with justifying and establishing a representative democracy suitable for a large state, and relied on election rather than lot to select officials. The English established a constitutional monarchy, admired in Europe, and adapted by the Americans in their republican constitution. The American Revolution helped inspire the French, and the French inspired republican and democratic revolution throughout Europe during the 19 century.

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Democracy and Its Critics

more impressive with each exposure to it. Everything has changed and nothing has changed since Democracy in America was published in the 1830’s. Its author grasped with remarkable perception both the mutable and the immutable qualities of man. There could be nothing more salutary for us today than to assimilate his fine sense of what was permanent in a world which, like ours, was undergoing deep convulsions. Committed to the classical economics of Adam Smith, Tocqueville did not share Smith’s illusions about the eternal nature of the market. On the contrary, as Albert Salomon has emphasized, his point of view

Democracy in America: An Appreciation On the Occasion of the Centennial of Tocqueville's Death

The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom by Evgeny Morozov New York: Public Affairs, 2011 409 pages $16.99 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In January 2010, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton gave a highly touted speech on Internet freedom in which she stated, "The freedom to connect is like the freedom of assembly, only in cyberspace. It allows individuals to get online, come together, and hopefully cooperate. Once you're on the Internet, you don't need to be a tycoon or a rock star to have a huge impact on society." Evgeny Morozov, in his book The Net Delusion, takes great issue with the implication, however, that the so-called "Arab Spring" and "Twitter Revolution" were caused by unfettered access to the Internet. Instead, Morozov, a research academic, provides a cautionary tale about what he argues is any attempt to establish a monocausal relationship to meaningful political change (especially when that single focus is information technology). The book opens with a discussion of cyber-utopianism and Internet-centrism--mind-sets that focus on the positive "emancipatory" aspects of Internet communication while ignoring the downsides. The argument throughout centers on nation-state policy, or lack thereof, that attacks the "wicked" problem of authoritarianism by, as a colleague of mine has dubbed it, "wiring the world." Morozov, expectantly, but importantly, cites the hedonistic world portrayed by Huxley and the "Big Brother" world of Orwell to consider both the proactive and reactive approaches to Internet freedom by authoritarian regimes. Interestingly, he notes that there is often a mix of both. Such regimes certainly use the anonymity and openness of the Internet to spy on their people and shutdown undesirable sites. But there is also a subtle approach that belies the jackboot on the keyboard methodology. While China may be known more for suppressing the Internet and for employing the masses to counter antiregime rhetoric, Russia imposes no formal Internet censorship. It relies on entertainment (porn is specifically cited) to soothe the masses, assuming that given options for political discourse and anything else, most opt for "anything else." Hitler would understand. And in nations where freedom is not widely understood from a western perspective, any bit of additional mindless diversion may be viewed as liberty by the populace. Perhaps most importantly, Morozov rails against social media determinism as driving the end of authoritarianism, labeling it "an intellectually impoverished, lazy way to study the past, understand the present, and predict the future." He does not dismiss the value of Facebook and Twitter to quickly mobilize like-minded individuals. He notes as well that the development of that very like-mindedness is complex and potentially can be manipulated by authoritarian governments using the same Internet freedom. …

The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom

Grasping the democratic peace: principles for a post-Cold War world

How might rapid advances in artificial intelligence (AI) technologies affect the construction and application of military power? Despite the emerging importance of AI systems in defense modernization initiatives, there has been little empirical or theoretical study from the perspective of the international relations (IR) and security studies fields. This article addresses this shortcoming by describing AI developments and assessing the manner in which AI is likely to affect military organizations. We focus specifically on military power, as new methods and modes thereof will alter the constitution of security relationships around the world and affect the ability of states to bargain, signal, and influence in the twenty-first century. We argue that, though rapid adoption of AI technologies stands to transform states’ ways of war on a number of fronts, an AI revolution brings with it new forms of risk that must be reconciled with the widespread integration of algorithmic systems across military functions. Where new technology promises a transformation of the character of military power in some veins, it also complicates the cognitive aspects of decision-making and bureaucratic interactions in security institutions. The speed with which complex integrated AI systems enable entirely new modes of war also stands to detach human agency in a potentially destabilizing fashion from the conduct of warfare on several fronts. Preventing the negative externalities of these “ghosts in the machine” will involve significant efforts to educate decision makers, promote accountability, and restrain irresponsible employment of AI.

Algorithms at War: The Promise, Peril, and Limits of Artificial Intelligence

Subversive groups utilize information and communications technologies (ICTs) for many activities, both legitimate and illicit. This dissertation studies the patterns and determinants of ICT usage amongst subversive groups in world politics. Specifically, this project undertakes the first comprehensive study of how extreme non-state actors utilize ICT for persuasion and why some groups use ICT antagonistically despite clear incentives not to. I demonstrate that subversive activists most often employ low- intensity digital techniques in efforts to antagonize and that agents of antagonism – hackers, script kiddies and hostile activists – are most often found among peripheral elements of subversive movements. Based on available evidence, I then theorize that greater incidence of digital antagonism emerges from the revisionist statements made by subversive leaders about aims and methods. When such statements are made, peripheral hackers are incentivized to employ shady methods when galvanizing supporters and disrupting the activities of societal opponents. When leaders move to emphasize participatory approaches to subversion, incentives to use ICT antagonistically are muted.

Out of the Shadows: Subversion and Counterculture in the Digital Age

In studying topics in cyber conflict and cyber-security governance, scholars must ask—arguably more so than has been the case with any other emergent research agenda—where the epistemological and ontological value of different methods lies. This article describes the unique, dual methodological challenges inherent in the multifaceted program on global cyber-security and asks how problematic they are for scholarly efforts to construct knowledge about digital dynamics in world affairs. I argue that any answer to this question will vary depending on how one perceives the social science enterprise. While traditional dualistic perspectives on social science imply unique challenges for researcher, a monistic perspective of Weberian objectivity does not. Regardless of one’s perspective, however, the most important steps to be taken at the level of the research program are clearly those focused on constructing the trappings of community. To this end, I outline steps that might be taken to develop a range of community-building and -supporting mechanisms that can simultaneously support a micro-foundational approach to research and expose community elements to one another. Doing this stands to better opportunities for the production of knowledge and direct researchers towards fruitful avenues whilst shortening gaps between the ivory tower and the real world.

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Crossing the Digital Divide: Monism, Dualism and the Reason Collective Action is Critical for Cyber Theory Production

\n Physical damage resulting from cyber operations continues to reinforce the “cyber doom” narrative across societies dependent on information and communication technology. This is paradoxical given the absence of severe, lasting consequences from cyber operations and the relative restraint exercised by cyber-capable actors. Moreover, the mass adoption of vulnerable digital systems raises questions whether or not individuals’ dread cyber insecurity is as severe as we are often asked to believe. Employing a survey experiment, we find that the assumptions of the “cyber doom” narrative are misleading. While sensitivity to cybersecurity threats is shaped by negative information, the onset of panic and dread is not a given. The impact of novel environmental circumstances on opinion formation is shaped by the individuals’ embeddedness in modern digital society. Consequently, long-term exposure to any invasive development mitigates the emotional response associated with it, normalizing novel threats over time. We present evidence suggesting that the unique characteristics of a development (i.e., web-technology proliferation) matter in opinion formation, as sensitivity to digital threats to the polity is grounded on personal threat sensitivity. Thus, policymakers can expect to see public responses to new national security threats manifest through the lens of prevailing social and political narratives.

http://academic.oup.com/isq/advance-article-pdf/doi/10.1093/isq/sqab034/37938601/sqab034.pdf

Breaking the Myth of Cyber Doom: Securitization and Normalization of Novel Threats

The advent of ‘DeepFake' content that is increasingly difficult for humans and machines to distinguish as artificial portends a number of challenges to democratic societies. In order to effectively...

Christopher Whyte

Papers

Algorithms at War: The Promise, Peril, and Limits of Artificial Intelligence

Out of the Shadows: Subversion and Counterculture in the Digital Age

Crossing the Digital Divide: Monism, Dualism and the Reason Collective Action is Critical for Cyber Theory Production

Breaking the Myth of Cyber Doom: Securitization and Normalization of Novel Threats

Deepfake news: AI-enabled disinformation as a multi-level public policy challenge