The Nature of Prejudice

1. Introduction 2. Fear, interest and honor 3. The spirit and its expression 4. The ancient world 5. Medieval Europe 6. From Sun King to Revolution 7. Imperialism and World War I 8. World War II 9. Hitler to Bush and beyond 10. General findings and conclusions.

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A Cultural Theory of International Relations

The ideas in Graham Allison's Essence of Decision (1971) have had an enormous impact on the study and teaching of bureaucracy and foreign policy making. While Allison's work has received considerable critical attention, there has been surprisingly little examination of the content and internal logic of his models. We subject each of Allison's three models to a systematic critical analysis. Our conclusion is that the models require substantial reformulation.

Rethinking Allison's Models

Ostrom and Job (1986) found that domestic, political factors are more influential on the president's decision to use military force than characteristics of the international environment. These results pose a serious challenge to realists' assumptions regarding the motives of states and the separability of domestic and foreign policy. This article reexamines Ostrom and Job's arguments and introduces a new indicator, a measure of the severity of ongoing international crises, to provide a better assessment of the relative effect of the international environment on presidential decision making. This severity index is significantly associated with the use of force by the United States from 1949 through 1976, and proves to be more influential than the international indicators used by Ostrom and Job. Nevertheless, domestic political factors remain most consequential in the president's decision to use force short of war.

The Influence of Domestic and International Politics on the President's Use of Force:

Power and Principle, Memoirs of the National Security Adviser 1977-1981

What happens following a war is important to the moral judgments we make concerning warfare, just as the intentions going in and the means used are. There has, however, been inadequate attention paid to considerations of jus post bellum in the just war tradition. This essay seeks to contribute to recent efforts to develop jus post bellum principles by first noting some of the ways that jus ad bellum and jus in bello considerations serve to constrain what can legitimately be done after war. We argue, however, that the constraints grounded in traditional just war theory do not offer sufficient guidance for judging postwar behavior and that principles grounded in the concept of human rights are needed to complete our understanding of what constitutes a just war. A just peace exists when the human rights of those involved in the war, on both sides, are more secure than they were before the war.

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Jus Post Bellum: Just War Theory and the Principles of Just Peace

"Seeking Security in an Insecure World" is intended to provide a brief but thorough introduction to contemporary security studies. With clear and lively prose, compelling examples, and solid scholarship, it will engage both undergraduate students of international relations and general readers who wish to gain a better understanding of what security means today and how it can best be achieved.

Seeking Security in an Insecure World

Author’s Note: For their comments and criticisms of an earlier draft of this article, I would like to thank Heinz Eulau, Alexander George, Ole Holsti, Jack Kangas, Stephen Krasner, John Oneal, and participants in the Stanford International Relations Group. In 1954, Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin sought to develop a generalized framework applicable to the analysis of any state’s foreign policymaking process. Including variables relating to the internal and external settings, social structure and behavior, as well as to the decisionmaking process itself, Snyder and his colleagues (1954: 36-37) adopted the state as their fundamental unit of analysis and assumed that &dquo;state action is the action taken by those acting in the name of the state. Hence, the state is its decision-makers.&dquo; Although widely read and acclaimed, the Snyder-Bruck-Sapin framework was not without its critics. McClosky (1962) argued that the approach was a taxonomy, not a theory, and that because all of the factors related to the decision-making process were treated as variables, analysts could neither draw linkages between factors nor could they infer the conditions under which specific variables would be most important. Rosenau (1968) also criticized the approach, noting that it

Bureaucratic Foreign Policy-Making

In 1852 the San Francisco Daily Alta California, the principle newspaper of early California, expressed a welcome, and more importantly, an indication of future equality for newly-arriving Chinese immigrants: "Quite a large number of the Celestials have arrived among us of late. . . . Scarcely a ship arrives that does not bring an increase to this worthy integer of our population. The China boys will yet vote at the polls, study at the same schools and bow at the same altar of our own countrymen."1 One year later, in 1853, after a change in editors, the Daily Alta adopted a strongly anti-Chinese editorial stand directly opposite to that taken the previous year: "We have a class here, however, who have most of the vices and few of the virtues of the African and they are numerous in both town and country. We allude to the Chinese. Every reason that exists against the toleration of free blacks in Illinois may be argued against that of the Chinese here."2 The two opposed positions of the Daily Alta are indicative of the ambivalent feeling concerning the Chinese during the early years of California's settlement. Although anti-Chinese feeling developed in this early era, the Civil War diverted the attention of most Californians away from the "Chinese question" to the larger national issue of the day. With the end of the war and an ever increasing influx of white immigrants coming into California, the initial welcome of the Daily Alta was forgotten by the late 1860s and Californians called for the exclusion of the Chinese from the state. In a matter of years, the majority of the state, originally indifferent or mildly hostile to the Chinese, had adopted a prejudiced, strongly antagonistic view of the Chinese. During the gold rush period, people were deeply influenced with the great nationalistic pride that swept across the nation: the Pacific was won; Mexico had been defeated; and gold had been discovered. Among the new settlers in California were many persons who were hostile to

The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype in California

This consideration of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT II) ratification debate focuses on the role that domestic political factors - including public opinion, the executive branch of the government, Congress, and special interest groups - play in the ratification of arms control treaties, calling attention to the importance of these factors in the treaty ratification process. After reviewing the domestic and international contexts of the treaty ratification debate, the author considers the role of public opinion and interest groups. The Carter administration's strategy for obtaining the Senate's approval of the treaty is described and assessed, and in the concluding chapter, the lessons of the SALT II case are presented. Included in the book are interviews with a number of key players in the treaty negotiation process, such as former President Jimmy Carter, Senator Alan Cranston, former President Gerald Ford, Senator Mark Hatfield, Senator William Proxmire and former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.

Dan Caldwell

Papers

Jus Post Bellum: Just War Theory and the Principles of Just Peace

Seeking Security in an Insecure World

Bureaucratic Foreign Policy-Making

The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype in California

The dynamics of domestic politics and arms control : the SALT II Treaty ratification debate