Time-diary data from representative samples ofAmerican adults show thatthenumber ofoverall hours ofdomestic labor (excluding child care andshopping) has continued to decline steadily and predictably since 1965. This finding is mainly due todramatic declines among women (both in and out of thepaidlabor market), whohave cuttheir housework hours almostin halfsince the 1960s: abouthalfofwomen's 12-hour-per­ week decline can beaccountedfor bycompositional shifts - such asincreased labor force participation, later marriage, andfewer children. In contrast, men's housework time has almost doubled during thisperiod (to thepointwhere menwere responsible for a third ofhousework in the 1990s), and only about15% of theirfive-hour-per­ week increase can be attributed to compositional factors. Parallel results on gender differences in housework were obtained from theNational Survey of Families and Households estimate data, even though these producefigures 50%higher thandiary data. Regression results examiningfactors related to wives' andhusbands' housework hours showmore support for the time-availability and relative-resource models of household production thanfor thegender perspective, although there issome support for thelatter perspective aswell.

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Is Anyone Doing the Housework? Trends in the Gender Division of Household Labor

This study develops a model of engagement in the multiple roles of work and family. I examine two competing arguments about the effects of engaging in multiple roles, depletion and enrichment, and integrate them by identifying the type of emotional response to a role, negative or positive, as a critical contrasting assumption held by these two perspectives. Moreover, I represent depletion and enrichment as complex multistep processes that include multiple constructs, such as engagement and emotion. This study jointly examines both the depleting and enriching processes that link engagement in one role to engagement in another, using structural equation modeling. Findings from a survey of 790 employees reveal evidence for both depletion and enrichment as well as gender differences. Specifically, depletion existed only for women and only in the work-to-family direction. Men experienced enrichment from work to family, while women experienced enrichment from family to work. Overall, more linkages were found be...

/pdf/enriching-or-depleting-the-dynamics-of-engagement-in-work-6dnpo0cn3v.pdf

Enriching or Depleting? The Dynamics of Engagement in Work and Family Roles:

This article reviews more than 200 scholarly articles and books on household labor published between 1989 and 1999. As a maturing area of study, this body of research has been concerned with understanding and documenting how housework is embedded in complex and shifting social processes relating to the well-being of families, the construction of gender, and the reproduction of society. Major theoretical, methodological, and empirical contributions to the study of household labor are summarized, and suggestions for further research are offered. In summary, women have reduced and men have increased slightly their hourly contributions to housework. Although men's relative contributions have increased, women still do at least twice as much routine housework as men. Consistent predictors of sharing include both women's and men's employment, earnings, gender ideology, and life-course issues. More balanced divisions of housework are associated with women perceiving fairness, experiencing less depression, and enjoying higher marital satisfaction.

Research on household labor : Modeling and measuring the social embeddedness of routine family work

This article evaluates theories of the origins of sex differences in human behavior. It reviews the cross-cultural evidence on the behavior of women and men in nonindustrial societies, especially the activities that contribute to the sex-typed division of labor and patriarchy. To explain the cross-cultural findings, the authors consider social constructionism, evolutionary psychology, and their own biosocial theory. Supporting the biosocial analysis, sex differences derive from the interaction between the physical specialization of the sexes, especially female reproductive capacity, and the economic and social structural aspects of societies. This biosocial approach treats the psychological attributes of women and men as emergent given the evolved characteristics of the sexes, their developmental experiences, and their situated activity in society.

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A cross-cultural analysis of the behavior of women and men: implications for the origins of sex differences.

The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of gender ideology and its consequences. The article begins with a summary of research focused on measuring gender ideology—individuals’ levels of support for a division of paid work and family responsibilities that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres. We describe the ways this concept has been operationalized in widely available data sources and provide a categorization schema for the items used to measure gender ideology. We also review the research predicting gender ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while concurrently examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data. Finally, this article summarizes research focused on the consequences of gender ideology, both in families and family-related behaviors and in other areas of social life where beliefs about gender are relevant, such as the workplace. We conclude with implications for future research for measurement tools, predictors of gender ideology, and consequences of ideology in individuals’ lives.

Gender Ideology: Components, Predictors, and Consequences

In this chapter we review research on the division of household labor and its consequences. The review summarizes research focused on issues of measurement, including research on methods of gathering data on housework time and time use in general and discussions of various ways to operationalize the division of household labor. Some attention is paid to historical and theoretical work on housework and women's responsibility for it in particular, followed by a more detailed discussion of current empirical approaches to explaining the division of household labor as well as criticisms of these approaches. Finally, we review research that examines the consequences of the division of household labor, focusing on those studies that examine its impact on labor force participation and wages, marital and family satisfaction, psychological well-being, and perceptions of fairness.

The Division of Household Labor

In this article, a comparison is made between the time that cohabiting and married women and men spend doing housework, to determine whether there are differences between them and to isolate the sources of those differences. Differences in cohabiting and married women's and men's household labor time are interpreted in light of the way that marital status may affect how gender is accomplished. Using the National Survey of Families and Households, the authors found that marital status affects women's household labor time but not men's; married women spend significantly more time on housework than do cohabiting women. In addition, the gap between cohabiting and married women's housework time cannot be accounted for by sociodemographic differences between them. It was also found that cohabiting women are more like single, noncohabiting women than they are like married women. That is, the research demonstrates the uniqueness of married women. It is not simply the presence of a man that is associated with wome...

Does Marital Status Make a Difference? Housework Among Married and Cohabiting Men and Women

Using the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 13,017; 11.09% Black, 79.99% White), we compare the household labor time of Black and White women and men, and assess the extent to which the time constraint, relative resource, and ideology explanations account for racial and gender differences in housework time. We find that although time constraint, relative resource, and ideology explanations account for some of the variation in housework time, they do not account for all of the gender and racial differences. We also find that paid work and housework trade off differently for Black men than for White men and also for women and men. Finally, a variety of relative resource, time constraint, and ideology factors are associated differently with women’s and men’s housework time. We argue that our findings lend support to the production of gender approach to understanding the division of household labor and that this approach can be used to help us understand racial differences in housework time as well.

The production of gender among Black and White women and men: The case of household labor

In this article we examine the determinants of Black, Hispanic, and Anglo women's and men's views of the fairness of the division of housework. Using the 1987-1988 National Survey of Families and Households, we find that men's proportional share of time spent on female-typed tasks affects both women's and men's views of how fairly housework is divided, although the effect is stronger for women. The frequency of arguments about housework also is positively associated with perceptions of fairness for both women and men, again with a stronger effect for women. Moreover, Black men are less likely to report that housework is divided unfairly than are Anglo men, suggesting that reference group comparisons among men by race and ethnicity may affect perceptions of family entitlement.

Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Perceptions of Fairness

It is clear that among dual-earner couples wives typically spend less time in paid labor and more time on housework than husbands, although there have been few studies comparing women's and men's total workloads. In this paper we examine the total workloads of women and men in dual-career marriages and assess the distribution of time between paid work and housework. Our findings indicate that, even among couples where both husband and wife work what can be considered full-time, gender differences in the allocation of time to paid work and housework persist. Men continue to invest more time in paid labor and women in housework even when there is an equitable allocation of total workload. The pattern is the same for couples with unequal total workloads.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/20832043.pdf

Daphne John

Papers

The Division of Household Labor

Does Marital Status Make a Difference? Housework Among Married and Cohabiting Men and Women

The production of gender among Black and White women and men: The case of household labor

Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Perceptions of Fairness

Who Does what and How Much do They do? Gender and Total Work Time