In 1868, a clergymen told the annual congress of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science that “he had long lived in the town of Liverpool, and had been placed in circumstances there which made him frequently regret that there were no places in which women could find employment. The great want was of employment for every class of women, not only for the higher class, but for those placed in humbler circumstances.” At earlier conferences, however, a number of speakers described the abundant opportunities for female employment in other Lancashire towns. Census figures make it clear that the reason lay in the different industrial bases of these towns.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0010417500015826

The Exclusion of Women From Industry in Nineteenth-Century Britain

The contemporary experience of retirement in the most prosperous nations reorganizes the relationship of social class to old age. Later life can now be seen in terms of lifestyle and identity rathe...

Departing the margins: social class and later life in a second modernity

At national level in England and Wales, infant mortality rates fell rapidly from the early 1970s and into the 1980s. Subnational areas have also experienced a reduction in levels of infant mortality. While rates continued to fall to 2006, the rate of reduction has slowed. Although the Government Office Regions Yorkshire and The Humber, the North West and the West Midlands and the Office for National Statistics local authority types Cities and Services and London Cosmopolitan have experienced relatively large absolute reductions in infant mortality, their rates remained high compared with the national average. Within all regions and local authority types, a strong relationship was found between ward level deprivation and infant mortality rates. Nevertheless, levels of infant mortality declined over time even in the most deprived areas with a narrowing of absolute differences in rates between areas. Areas in which the level of deprivation eased have experienced greater than average reductions in levels of infant mortality.

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Geographical trends in infant mortality: England and Wales, 1970-2006.

Hamnett C. (1986) The changing socio-economic structure of London and the South East, 1961–1981, Reg. Studies 20, 391–406. One of the problems frequently associated with metropolitan population decentralization is differential social change between cores and rings. The debate over the existence of social polarization has been particularly marked where London and the South East of England are concerned. The paper analyses the changing socio-economic structure of economically active males in Inner and Outer London, the Outer Metropolitan Area and the Rest of the South East from 1961-71-81. It is shown that there has been considerable social polarization between Inner London and the rest of London and the South East over this period.

The changing socio-economic structure of London and the South East, 1961–1981

When one thinks of working-class women in England and Wales in the second half of the nineteenth century, the picture that rises to mind is one of unremitting toil, of factory hooters at dawn calling out the mill girls in their clogs and shawls, of dressmakers' apprentices at two o'clock in the morning fainting as they put the finishing touches to a gauzy ball gown, of sooty-faced girls in denim trousers shovelling coal at a pit head in Wigan, or of girls with raw, chilblained fingers pulling turnips in the sleety November rain. One does not usually think of teenage girls and young women, unemployed for months at a time, dragging out empty days on the doorsteps of farm labourers' cottages or in the back streets of mining villages and seaports. Yet a really close look at the published census returns suggests that though the first picture may be true of the majority, for a very sizable minority, in some areas over 40 per cent, of the girls who grew up between i85o and the First World War, the second is equally true. Though it is generally accepted that the Industrial Revolution in England and Wales caused unprecedented change and created many problems, long-term structural unemployment is not seen as one of them.' Historians refer to certain cases of technological unemployment (lasting one generation), like that of the handloom weavers, to the periodic unemployment caused in particular industries by trade cycles and trade depressions, even to under-employment like that which depressed the wages of agricultural labourers in the southern counties, but see the overall unemployment rate as not rising much above 5 per cent from mid-century to the First World War.2 It seems to be generally assumed that the changes in employment structure caused by industrialism did not bring in their wake any major long-term problems of unemployment.

Female unemployment in England and Wales 1851–1911: An examination of the census figures for 15–19 year olds

Latifundists, abetted by the middle sectors and urban elites, suck the blood from the agricultural and lower paid industrial workers who in turn can only react through violence, their own petty corruption or by rank apathy; any new regime can only alter the form of corruption; because there is no civic responsibility, there is no order. To prove this, material is selected, rather randomly, from most countries and all the societies

David C. Marsh

Papers

The changing social structure of England and Wales, 1871-1961