Volume I: General Introduction Acknowledgments Notes on the text 1. Introduction: seeing things their way 2. The practice of history and the cult of the fact 3. Interpretation, rationality and truth 4. Meaning and understanding in the history of ideas 5. Motives, intentions and interpretation 6. Interpretation and the understanding of speech acts 7. 'Social meaning' and the explanation of social action 8. Moral principles and social change 9. The idea of a cultural lexicon 10. Retrospect: Studying rhetoric and conceptual change. Volume II. 1. Introduction 2. The rediscovery of republican values 3. Ambrogio Lorenzetti and the portrayal of virtuous government 4. Ambrogio Lorenzetti on the power and glory of republics 5. Republican virtues in an age of princes 6. Machiavelli on virtu and the maintenance of liberty 7. The idea of negative liberty: Machiavelli and modern perspectives 8. Thomas More's Utopia and the virtue of true nobility 9. Was there a Calvinist theory of revolution? 10. Moral ambiguity and the renaissance art of eloquence 11. John Milton and the politics of slavery 12. Classical liberty, Renaissance translation and the English civil war 13. From the state of princes to the modern state 14. Augustan party politics and Renaissance constitutional thought. Volume III: 1. Introduction: Hobbes's career in philosophy 2. Hobbes and the studia humanitatis 3. Hobbes's changing conception of a civil science 4. Hobbes on rhetoric and the construction of morality 5. Hobbes and the purely artificial person of the state 6. Hobbes on the proper signification of liberty 7. Hobbes and the classical theory of laughter 8. History and ideology in the English revolution 9. The context of Hobbes's theory of political obligation 10. Conquest and consent: Hobbes and the engagement controversy 11. Hobbes and his disciples in France and England 12. Hobbes and the politics of the early Royal Society 13. Hobbes's last word on politics.

https://assets.cambridge.org/97805218/13686/frontmatter/9780521813686_frontmatter.pdf

Visions of Politics

Hobbes prefaces Leviathan with a letter in which he dedicates the work to Francis Godolphin and at the same time offers him a summary of the theory of public authority contained in the book. ‘I speak’, Hobbes explains, ‘not of the men, but (in the Abstract) of the Seat of Power.’ This seat, he adds in his Introduction, is occupied by ‘that great LEVIATHAN called a COMMON-WEALTH, or STATE’. The essence of Hobbes's theory of public power is thus that the person identifiable as the true ‘subject’ of sovereignty in any lawful state must be the person of the state itself. Hobbes's opening remarks allude to what has proved to be one of the most enduring puzzles in our inherited theories of government. On the one hand, most contemporary political philosophers would agree with Hobbes that the state is the seat of sovereignty. As Hobbes expresses the claim later in Leviathan , it is ‘the Reason of this our Artificiall Man the Common-wealth, and his Command, that maketh Law’, so that civil law is nothing other than ‘the Will and Appetite of the State’. But on the other hand, most contemporary philosophers would also agree with Hobbes when he adds that the state amounts to nothing more than an artifice. To quote Hobbes's way of expressing this further point, the state has no capacity ‘to doe any thing’; it is ‘but a word, without substance, and cannot stand’. There, then, is the puzzle.

Hobbes and the Purely Artificial Person of the State

Hobbes's ‘Leviathan’

As in Hobbes' view it is principally the capacity for speech that distinguishes men from even the social animals, so it is in verbal and doctrinal controversies that he usually finds the sources of conflict and sedition. Hobbes analyzes—in the hope of doing away with them—a variety of what he regards as abuses of language, such as metaphor, equivocation, eloquence, and absurdity, which are especially productive of political disorder. He also offers models and, in his own political philosophy, examples of the proper uses of language as science and counsel, which he believes are necessary to the establishment and governance of well-ordered commonwealths in the modern world, characterized as it is by widespread learning and disputatious habits. In the pursuance of his project, however, Hobbes himself is paradoxically forced to resort to the eloquence which he otherwise condemns, and his own observations on language provide grounds for doubts about the success of his enterprise.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/1962159.pdf

Language and Its Abuses in Hobbes' Political Philosophy

Visions of Politics: Acknowledgements

It is generally acknowledged that Hobbes's radical scepticism is intimately connected with his nominalism, and that his nominalism in turn rests upon the doctrine of meaning and truth set out in its best-known version in Chapters 4 and 5 of Leviathan.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/3749203

Dorothea Krook

Papers

Thomas Hobbes's Doctrine of Meaning and Truth

Mr. brown's note annotated

3. a course in the liberal arts