the total number of papers may exceed 10,000. Nevertheless, cost consideration forced us to consider mostly published papers and technical reports in English. 4 Formula 4 in Seifert (1991) is in error—a multiplier of n, of cell size, is missing in the numerator. 5 Unfortunately, the technique of meta-analysis cannot be applied, at present time, to such effects because the distribution of dis based on a sampling of people, whereas the statistics of techniques such as ARIMA are based on the distribution of a sampling of observations in the time domain regardless of the size of the people sample involved (i.e., there is no way to compare a sample of 100 points in time with a sample of 100 people). That is, a sample of 100 points in time has the same degrees of freedom if it were based on an observation of 1 person or of 1,000 people. 258 KLUGER AND DENISI From the papers we reviewed, only 131 (5%) met the criteria for inclusion. We were concerned that, given the small percentage of usable papers, our conclusions might not fairly represent the larger body of relevant literature. Therefore, we analyzed all the major reasons to reject a paper from the meta-analysis, even though the decision to exclude a paper came at the first identification of a missing inclusion criterion. This analysis showed the presence of review articles, interventions of natural feedback removal, and papers that merely discuss feedback, which in turn suggests that the included studies represent 1015% of the empirical FI literature. However, this analysis also showed that approximately 37% of the papers we considered manipulated feedback without a control group and that 16% reported confounded treatments, that is, roughly two thirds of the empirical FI literature cannot shed light on the question of FI effects on performance—a fact that requires attention from future FI researchers. Of the usable 131 papers (see references with asterisks), 607 effect sizes were extracted. These effects were based on 12,652 participants and 23,663 observations (reflecting multiple observations per participant). The average sample size per effect was 39 participants. The distribution of the effect sizes is presented in Figure 1. The weighted mean (weighted by sample size) of this distribution is 0.41, suggesting that, on average, FI has a moderate positive effect on performance. However, over 38% of the effects were negative (see Figure 1). The weighted variance of this distribution is 0.97, whereas the estimate of the sampling error variance is only 0.09. A potential problem in meta-analyses is a violation of the assumption of independence. Such a violation occurs either when multiple observations are taken from the same study (Rosenthal, 1984) or when several papers are authored by the same person (Wolf, 1986). In the present investigation, there were 91 effects derived from the laboratory experiments reported by Mikulincer (e.g., 1988a, 1988b). This raises the possibility that the average effect size is biased, because his studies manipulated extreme negative FIs and used similar tasks. In fact, the weighted average d in Mikulincer's studies was —0.39; whereas in the remainder of the

The effects of feedback interventions on performance: A historical review, a meta-analysis, and a preliminary feedback intervention theory.

We argue that managerial overconfidence can account for corporate investment distortions. Overconfident managers overestimate the returns to their investment projects and view external funds as unduly costly. Thus, they overinvest when they have abundant internal funds, but curtail investment when they require external financing. We test the overconfidence hypothesis, using panel data on personal portfolio and corporate investment decisions of Forbes 500 CEOs. We classify CEOs as overconfident if they persistently fail to reduce their personal exposure to company-specific risk. We find that investment of overconfident CEOs is significantly more responsive to cash flow, particularly in equity-dependent firms.

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CEO Overconfidence and Corporate Investment

Subjective well-being (SWB) comprises people's longer-term levels of pleasant affect, lack of unpleasant affect, and life satisfaction. It displays moderately high levels of cross-situational consistency and temporal stability. Self-report measures of SWB show adequate validity, reliability, factor invariance, and sensitivity to change. Despite the success of the measures to date, more sophisticated approaches to defining and measuring SWB are now possible. Affect includes facial, physiological, motivational, behavioral, and cognitive components. Self-reports assess primarily the cognitive component of affect, and thus are unlikely to yield a complete picture of respondents' emotional lives. For example, denial may influence self-reports of SWB more than other components. Additionally, emotions are responses which vary on a number of dimensions such as intensity, suggesting that mean levels of affect as captured by existing measures do not give a complete account of SWB. Advances in cognitive psychology indicate that differences in memory retrieval, mood as information, and scaling processes can influence self-reports of SWB. Finally, theories of communication alert us to the types of information that are likely to be given in self-reports of SWB. These advances from psychology suggest that a multimethod approach to assessing SWB will create a more comprehensive depiction of the phenomenon. Not only will a multifaceted test battery yield more credible data, but inconsistencies between various measurement methods and between the various components of well-being will both help us better understand SWB indictors and group differences in well-being. Knowledge of cognition, personality, and emotion will also aid in the development of sophisticated theoretical definitions of subjective well-being. For example, life satisfaction is theorized to be a judgment that respondents construct based on currently salient information. Finally, it is concluded that measuring negative reactions such as depression or anxiety give an incomplete picture of people's well-being, and that it is imperative to measure life satisfaction and positive emotions as well.

Assessing Subjective Well-Being: Progress and Opportunities

Common maxims about beauty suggest that attractiveness is not important in life. In contrast, both fitness-related evolutionary theory and socialization theory suggest that attractiveness influences development and interaction. In 11 meta-analyses, the authors evaluate these contradictory claims, demonstrating that (a) raters agree about who is and is not attractive, both within and across cultures; (b) attractive children and adults are judged more positively than unattractive children and adults, even by those who know them; (c) attractive children and adults are treated more positively than unattractive children and adults, even by those who know them; and (d) attractive children and adults exhibit more positive behaviors and traits than unattractive children and adults. Results are used to evaluate social and fitness-related evolutionary theories and the veracity of maxims about beauty.

/pdf/maxims-or-myths-of-beauty-a-meta-analytic-and-theoretical-4imrkphjlt.pdf

Maxims or myths of beauty? A meta-analytic and theoretical review.

This article reviews psychological theory and research critical to understanding why parents become involved in their children’s elementary and secondary education. Three major constructs are believed to be central to parents’ basic involvement decisions. First, parents’ role construction defines parents’ beliefs about what they are supposed to do in their children’s education and appears to establish the basic range of activities that parents construe as important, necessary, and permissible for their own actions with and on behalf of children. Second, parents’ sense of efficacy for helping their children succeed in school focuses on the extent to which parents believe that through their involvement they can exert positive influence on their children’s educational outcomes. Third, general invitations, demands, and opportunities for involvement refer to parents’ perceptions that the child and school want them to be involved. Hypotheses concerning the functioning of the three constructs in an additive mode...

Why Do Parents Become Involved in Their Children’s Education?

Pygmalion, Galatea, and the Golem: Investigations of biased and unbiased teachers.

Student's perceptions of their teachers' differential behavior were compared with the perceptions of the teachers themselves

Measuring and changing teachers' differential behavior as perceived by students and teachers.

This paper reviews research and theory pertaining to teachers' differential treatment of different students in the classroom. Research on the behavioral-mediation (or transmission) of teacher expectancies is the major source of information about teachers' differential behavior toward high and low achievers. The common behaviors in expectancy-mediation research are listed, together with their meta-analytic effect magnitudes. A proposed conceptualization of teachers' differential behavior distinguishes between (a) the relatively equitable distribution of teachers' feedback; (b) compensation of low achievers in the instructional domain; and (c) a reversed trend of providing a warmer emotional climate and more positive affect to high achievers. Subsequent discussion focuses on students' perceptions of teachers' differential behavior, with special emphasis on gaps between students' and teachers' perceptions in the affective domain. Latter sections of the paper review teachers' differential behavior toward specific student types, particularly toward teachers' pets, and teachers' differential behavior in the physical space of the classroom.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/23359297

Teachers' differential behavior

Part I: The Social Psychology of the Classroom 1. The Classroom as a Social Environment 2. Social Motivation, Students' Needs and Self-Esteem 3. The Teacher's Role(s) Part II: Social Measurement in the Classroom 4. Social Structure and Sociometric Measurement in the Classroom 5. Measurement of Classroom Climate Part III: Teacher-Student Interaction and Teacher Expectancy Effects 6. "Pygmalion in the Classroom": Teacher Expectancies and Teacher Bias 7. Teachers' Differential Behavior in the Classroom 8. The Teacher's Pet Phenomenon Part IV: Classroom Management 9. Classroom Management: Historical Trends and Contemporary Approach 10. Punishment and Effective Management of Discipline Problems 11. Behavioral Analysis of Common Pitfalls in Classroom Management Part V: Nonverbal Behavior in the Classroom 12. Basic Concepts and Issues in Nonverbal Research 13. Students' Nonverbal Behavior 14. Teachers' Nonverbal Behavior Part VI: Educating and Changing Students 15. Educating Students 16. Changing Students

The Social Psychology of the Classroom

Wishful thinking (WT)—defined as predicting a more favorable outcome for a preferred team—was investigated in soccer stadia and betting stations in Israel. High levels of WT were found in all contexts investigated. As hypothesized, the intensity of WT varied between contexts as a function of the “legitimacy” of emotionalism and subjectivity, and within each context as a function of self-defined levels of fanhood and preference. An explicit instruction to be objective did not reduce WT in predicting game outcomes. Paid betting forms represented an ecologically valid voluntary behavior most contradictory of wishful thinking, since bettors are strongly motivated to be objective and impartial. The results showed that fans could not overcome their wishful thinking, betting emotionally and against their financial interest.

Elisha Babad

Papers

Pygmalion, Galatea, and the Golem: Investigations of biased and unbiased teachers.

Measuring and changing teachers' differential behavior as perceived by students and teachers.

Teachers' differential behavior

The Social Psychology of the Classroom

Wishful Thinking—Against All Odds