Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

국제정치이론 = Theory of international politics

The first century of Ottoman existence was their heroic age. Living largely in the saddle as leaders of the gazis, the founders of the dynasty were no more than commanders of Turkish tribes organized primarily to raid and conquer the infidel territory around them. With the collapse of Byzantine resistance, the Ottomans found it far easier to expand in western Anatolia and across the Dardanelles into Southeastern Europe than to move against their more powerful Muslim and Turkish neighbors. Advancing rapidly through Thrace and Macedonia, the Ottomans took much of Bulgaria, northern Greece, Bosnia, and Serbia as far as the Danube, developing a system of rule by which the native Christian princes retained their positions and lands in return for acknowledging Ottoman suzerainty and providing soldiers and money. The Ottomans were successful at this time because as gazis fighting the infidel they attracted into their service thousands of nomads fleeing into Anatolia from the Mongols. The early Ottoman leaders also were members and sometimes leaders of the urban ahi brotherhoods that were organized so as to bring help and relief to the people when the defenses of the centralized state failed. While there were other Turkoman gazi leaders in Anatolia, the Ottomans were in direct contact with the Byzantines and could best exploit the latter's weakness and thus attract the manpower that enabled them to conquer and rule the Christian lands across the Straits in Europe. The first Ottoman Empire was, then, based on both religious and economic motives. Its followers sought to extend the dominion of Islam and to secure booty.

History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey: The First Ottoman Empire, 1280–1413

describing the sessions of 1968 and 1969 and the work of the International Law Commission. This is followed by a careful analysis of the first and second sessions of the Conference, taking up the treaty article by article and commenting on it in the light of existing law. A valuable feature of the volume is the bibliography of the law or treaties, and, for Brazilian students, the divergencies of the new text from existing Brazilian law. A fourth part presents the convention itself, including an English text. The Instituto Rio Branco aand the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil may well be proud of a publication presented in such clear, concise and au­ thoritative form. C. G. F en w ic k

Bridge across the Bosporus: The Foreign Policy of Turkey.

The process of political, economic and socio-cultural integration is underway of rapid pace in terms of globalization. Consequently, changes in one state will be reflected in other countries or region as a result of increased interdependence. The U.S. and Turkey have a historically strong relationship. They have a shared interest in economic collaboration, stability and security. The long history partnership has been tested in 2018 by a series of disagreements. Turkey and the U.S face their greatest diplomatic crisis. The lira lost almost a quarter of its value against the dollar. It should be noted Turkey’s increasing more independent regional role and influence. There are also signs that the crisis has the wider impact. However, the aim of this paper is to present the correlation between the U.S-Turkey crisis and the economy of the Black Sea Region countries. The paper consists of several thematic parts and a part dedicated to conclusions and recommendations. First one is introduction, second one is theoretical and provides to analyse specific issues related to US-Turkey relations: from alliance to crisis. The third part discusses the research methodology used during the research for this study. The article includes short and long term recommendations which are possible solutions for it.

U.S-Turkey Crisis and Its Impact on the Economy of the Black Sea Region

This is the first in-depth study of the secret society called CUP (Committee of Union and Progress), based on their own papers. It pays special attention to the Young Turks as an intellectual movement which continues to influence the thinking of Turkish intellectuals in the 1990s. It also provides important insights into diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and the so-called Great Powers of Europe at the turn of the century.

The Young Turks in Opposition.

Since the establishment of the republic in 1923 there has never been a consensus over Turkey‘s national identity, either internally or externally. Westernization was a top-down project that fostered societal resistance from the outset and which received only partial recognition from the West itself. The end of the Cold War has further intensified the debates over Turkish identity both in Turkey itself and in the wider world. This thesis examines the implications of a complex and insecure identity for Turkey‘s political development and in particular its ability to develop an international role commensurate with its size and capabilities. In doing so, it demonstrates the connection between different notions of Turkish identity and foreign policy preferences whilst emphasising also the important role of the international institutional context (for example membership of NATO and the EU) in shaping the preferences of diverse state/societal actors within Turkey in the post-Cold War period. The focus in this regard is on the military, political parties and business/civil-society groups. The thesis engages recent debates between constructivists and rationalists and argues that a constructivist account of Turkish foreign policy is more helpful than a rationalist explanation, through the case studies of Turkey‘s relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East in the post-Cold War period. It shows how rational actor assumptions operate within a constructivist context and aims to shed light on the relationship between identity, political interests and foreign policy. The thesis also demonstrates that an insecure identity is a barrier to pursue consistent foreign policy goals, thereby lending support to the view that a secure identity is a condition of developing a stable and influential role in the post-Cold War system.

/pdf/identity-security-and-turkish-foreign-policy-in-the-post-3jswqbsuv9.pdf

IDENTITY SECURITY AND TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD: Relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes Turkish Cypriot elites’ legitimation strategies of sustaining internal legitimacy in the absence of international recognition and coping with challenges rising from the international context, parent state’s pressure and patron state’s meddling. The article links the sustainability of North Cyprus’ unrecognized statehood to two major factors. Firstly, parent’s counter-recognition policies and despair of repeatedly failing negotiations result in a backlash among Turkish Cypriots, forging internal unity. Secondly, the degree of political pluralism allows peaceful transfer of power amongst various elite groups, resulting in use of diverse and often conflicting legitimation strategies to better cope with legitimacy challenges.

Sustaining Legitimacy of Unrecognized Statehood: How Turkish Cypriot Elites Cope with Internal and External Challenges


 This article will examine the response of the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) to the COVID-19 pandemic from an ontological security approach to illustrate how critical junctures may help de facto states in their quest for status and internal legitimacy. Stressing the pandemic’s role in the reconstruction of political narratives and self-legitimating practices among Turkish Cypriot elites, it sheds light on the effects of this global crisis on domestic power struggles in Northern Cyprus as well as its quasi-foreign relations with its patron state (Turkey), parent state (Republic of Cyprus), and the European Union. The study shows that both nationalist and federalist elites of the de facto entity instrumentalized the pandemic in their legitimation strategies and engaged in opportunistic behavior amid the outbreak. It also reveals how the pandemic enhanced the ontological security of Northern Cyprus while advancing its nationalist leadership’s claims for legitimate authority by enabling state-specific forms of agency and unilateral acts concerning the Cyprus dispute that may jeopardize the resumption of peace talks with Greek Cypriots. Thus, it can be assumed that advanced ontological security of the TRNC is highly volatile given the prospects of further isolation and de-engagement in the post-pandemic era.

Enver Gülseven

Papers

IDENTITY SECURITY AND TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD: Relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Sustaining Legitimacy of Unrecognized Statehood: How Turkish Cypriot Elites Cope with Internal and External Challenges

Critical Junctures and Ontological Security in Unrecognized States: The Response of Northern Cyprus to the COVID-19 Pandemic