Showing papers by "Filomeno V. Aguilar published in 2017"
TL;DR: In 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations declared the establishment of an ASEAN Community and the teaching of regional history is seen as indispensable to the attainment of this goal as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In 2003 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations declared the establishment of an ASEAN Community. The teaching of regional history is seen as indispensable to the attainment of this goal. Eight country reports commissioned by UNESCO Bangkok in 2013 serve as the basis of an inquiry into history education and the teaching of Southeast Asian history in primary and secondary schools. State control of education has produced school systems that, despite their potential, hamper the imagining of a regional community. Under state directives, schools prioritize political socialization into the nation-state and sacrifice shared regional history in favour of national history. Yet promoting interest in national and Southeast Asian histories is possible.
8 citations
TL;DR: De la Costa became the first Filipino Superior of the Jesuit Province in the Philippines (1964-1970) at a time when the Filipinization of religious orders was intensely contested as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Fr. Horacio de la Costa became the first Filipino Superior of the Jesuit Province in the Philippines (1964–1970) at a time when the Filipinization of religious orders was intensely contested. As a young priest, De la Costa sought the training of more Filipino priests so that the Catholic Church would "take root" in the country. Filipinization, however, entailed two further questions: Filipino assumption of leadership positions and the role of foreign missionaries. This article examines how De la Costa's approaches to these issues shifted when he became provincial and as the crisis in Philippine society deepened, revealing the intertwining of national and church history.
6 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present two modes of export-oriented sugar hacienda production in the late-nineteenth-century Spanish Philippines: sugar export and sugar importation.
Abstract: This article presents two modes of export-oriented sugar hacienda production in the late-nineteenth-century Spanish Philippines. The Hacienda de Calamba epitomised a large-scale estate under a religious corporation; it was an enclave economy reliant on local capital and technology. In contrast, Negros showcased a range of haciendas of varying sizes in a frontier setting involving different ethnicities and supported by capital and technology mediated directly by foreign merchant houses. In both locations sugar planters opposed the colonial state, but whereas leaseholders in Calamba, led by Rizal's family, became intentionally political in their resistance, in Negros planters engaged in a persistent and calibrated evasion of the state. In his essay, 'Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos', which was serialised in La Solidaridad in 1890, Jose Rizal bewailed the fact that working hard in the Spanish Philippines made no sense because the rich person was exposed to all kinds of vexations: 'el rico en la tierra se expone a todos las vejaciones, a todas las molestias'. (1) Spanish colonial authorities could easily harass the rich man, appoint him village chief and in that position coerce him to make donations that depleted his wealth, and even deport him should an uprising occur. With all these disincentives, he asked--without distinguishing between landholder and peasant labourer, or any other class position for that matter--who would bother to work, engage in economic pursuits, and accumulate wealth? To emphasise the debilitating effects of Spanish colonial rule that fostered and magnified indolence, Rizal recalled times past when natives were discouraged from pursuing agriculture, but he also zeroed in on the late nineteenth century: El estar las mejoras haciendas, los mejores terrenos de algunas provincias, aquellos que por sus fdciles medios de comunicacion son mas ventajosos que otros, en manos de las corporaciones religiosas cuyo desideratum es la ignorancia y un estado de semi miseria del indio, para continuar goberndndolo y hacerse necesario a su desgraciada existencia, es una de las causas del por que muchos pueblos no progresan a pesar de los esfuerzos de sus habitants. (2) [The fact that the best estates, the best tracts of land in some provinces, those that from their easy means of communication are more profitable than others, are in the hands of the religious corporations, whose desideratum is the ignorance and a condition of semi-destitution of the native so that they may continue to govern him and make themselves necessary to his wretched existence, is one of the reasons why many towns do not progress in spite of the efforts of the inhabitants.] Rizal went on to say that the Spanish friars' argument--that 'if these estates were prospering, it was because they were under their care'--was deceptive and it maligned the native as indolent. (3) To prove that agriculture could prosper even without friar involvement, Rizal argued that the friar haciendas of Bauan and Lian were inferior to Taal, Balayan, and Lipa, all in Batangas province, because the latter were 'cultivated entirely by the natives without monkish interference whatsoever'. (4) In writing about the disincentives to wealth creation, Rizal was obviously thinking about the Hacienda de Calamba in Laguna province and the troubles that his family--among the largest leaseholders of sugar lands in Calamba--started to experience in the 1880s. The troubles would culminate in the banishment of Rizal's family from the Dominican hacienda in 1891. But in stressing the disincentives to economic enterprise and bemoaning friar control of the best haciendas, Rizal was silent about agricultural production in other parts of the country. Since the 1810s ships that called in at the port of Manila bought sugar, the principal export commodity that beginning in the 1820s the earliest merchant houses shipped to overseas markets. …
2 citations