This thesis is a study on the use of military force in United States peacemaking in Lebanon between 1982 and 1984. It argues that the failure of the Reagan Administration to understand accurately the complex political landscape of the Lebanese Civil War resulted in the US and the Multinational Force in Beirut becoming intertwined in the broader Lebanese conflict. Because of this, President Ronald Reagan and Secretary of State George Shultz applied a policy focusing on military force with a vague peacekeeping vision which led to catastrophic US casualties. This thesis also argues that US policy in Lebanon was inaccurately designed because, from the outset, Washington did not see Lebanon as a key policy frontline. However, the Administration’s failed attempts to resolve the crisis and Reagan’s personal pursuit for international credibility bound the US to one of the world’s most complicated and violent conflicts.
By examining newly released archival material this thesis will show how the foundations of the US’ interventionist policy in Lebanon came from the Reagan Administration’s desire to see the US as the key military power in the Middle East rather than protecting Lebanese sovereignty or containing the Soviets. This thesis offers a fresh perspective on the impact of the US intervention and the decisionmaking drivers that led Reagan into the Lebanese Civil War. It challenges the notion that Reagan deployed US Marines under the ideals of international peacekeeping. Rather it will argue that the Multinational Force withdrew from Lebanon as a failed military force having made little progress.

From peacemaking to 'vigorous self-defense': US foreign policy and the multinational force in Lebanon 1982-1984

......................................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................................v Introduction ......................................................................................................................................1 The Puzzle ............................................................................................................................1 Literature Review .................................................................................................................3 Chapter I: Egypt .............................................................................................................................15 Introduction ........................................................................................................................15 Pre-Colonial Egypt: 641-1517 ...........................................................................................15 Ottoman Egypt: 1517-1882 ................................................................................................25 British Egypt: 1882-1922 ...................................................................................................39 Egypt in Transition: 1922-1952 .........................................................................................48 Independent Statehood: 1952-Present ................................................................................58 Exploratory Conclusions ....................................................................................................75 Chapter II: Iraq ...............................................................................................................................77 Introduction ........................................................................................................................77 Pre-Colonial Iraq: 633-1534 ..............................................................................................77 Ottoman Iraq: 1534-1918 ...................................................................................................80 British Iraq: 1918-1932 ......................................................................................................89 Iraq in Transition: 1932-1963 ..........................................................................................102 Independent Statehood: 1963-Present ..............................................................................123 Exploratory Conclusions ..................................................................................................152 Chapter III: Lebanon ....................................................................................................................155 Introduction ......................................................................................................................155 Pre-Colonial Lebanon: 632-1516 .....................................................................................155 Ottoman Lebanon: 1516-1923 .........................................................................................159 French Lebanon: 1923-1943 ............................................................................................174 Postcolonial Statehood: 1943-Present ..............................................................................185 Exploratory Conclusions ..................................................................................................212 Chapter IV: A Comparative Analysis of Egypt, Iraq, and Lebanon ............................................215 Conclusions ......................................................................................................................228 Appendix ......................................................................................................................................243 Appendix A ......................................................................................................................243 Appendix B ......................................................................................................................244 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................245

/pdf/a-middle-east-quandary-a-comparative-analysis-of-state-30x0a4vkcp.pdf

A Middle East Quandary: A Comparative Analysis of State Creation and Political Regime Formation in Egypt, Iraq, and Lebanon

This paper investigates the limitations of post-colonial planning practices that aimed to modernize Cairo's urban spaces during Gamal Abdel Nasser's rule (1952–1970). Following the Free Officers revolution of 1952, ambition to display urban order through forceful change in the city's built environment was in action. Nasser's visions of modernity were explicit in a series of attempts to reshape several prime locations in central Cairo, which included the old traditional waterfront quarter, in Bulaq Abul Ela. An analysis of the Bulaq planning scheme drafted in 1966 reveals insights into how notions of order were spatialized to integrate with Cairo's complex urban fabric. The official plans to regularize Bulaq also strongly demonstrate how this was a top-down, centralized process in terms of governance, with full utilization of state resources, namely the military and the media. From a wider perspective, planning practices under Nasser demonstrated an evident break with the past to eliminate memories of colo...

Instituting order: the limitations of Nasser’s post-colonial planning visions for Cairo in the case of the indigenous quarter of Bulaq (1952–1970)

...................................................................................................................... i Dedication .................................................................................................................. ii Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................... ii Glossary ......................................................................................................................v Chapter 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 2 Literature Review ......................................................................................................07 Chapter 3 Methodology .............................................................................................................28 Chapter 4 Analysis and Discussion ...........................................................................................34 Chapter 5 Conclusions and Recommendations .........................................................................90 References ...............................................................................................................100 COMPETING NARRATIVES v Glossary Alashwaeyat: Buildings built by the members of Egypt’s poorest communities without any engineering or architectural guidance, thus they face overcrowding and other social and public health issues due to their poor engineering structures. Article II of the Egyptian constitution (1971-2013): States that Islam is the religion of the State and Arabic is its official language. The principles of Islamic Sharia are the main source of legislation. Caliphate: A state under the leadership of an Islamic steward known as the caliph, a person considered a religious successor of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and a leader of the entire Muslim community. Historically, the caliphates were polities based in Islam, which developed into multiethnic transnational empires. During the medieval period, three major caliphates existed: the Rashidun Caliphate (632–661), the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750), and the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258). The fourth major caliphate, the Ottoman Caliphate, was a manifestation whereby the Ottoman rulers claimed caliphal authority. Cornish: A platform or boardwalk along a river (Nile) or seashore (Alexandria coast). Fatwa: In the Islamic faith, a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that a qualified jurist or mufti can give on issues pertaining to Islamic law. Fava beans or ful medames: A dish of cooked fava beans served with vegetable oil, cumin, and optionally with chopped parsley, garlic, onion, lemon juice, chili pepper, and other vegetables, herbs, and spices; notably a food staple in Egypt. Flare point: A term used to describe certain communicational exchanges that were heated and intense in nature and may or may not have led to violence. House of Representatives: The lower house of the Egyptian parliament; the unicameral parliament of Egypt. Imam: An Islamic leadership position most commonly used as the title of a worship leader of a mosque and Muslim community among Sunni Muslims. In this context, imams may lead Islamic worship services, serve as community leaders, and provide religious guidance. Master-narrative: A narrative that combines two or more sub-narratives with similar or varying national ideologies but agree on the conflict topic (The constitution). Mufti: The person who issues a fatwa. In Egypt, the word is mostly used to refer to the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Mosque, as he is the main figure in issuing the final fatwa on COMPETING NARRATIVES vi controversial religious matters. This is not necessarily a formal position, since most Muslims argue that anyone trained in Islamic law may give an opinion on its teachings. Narrative: The story told by individuals through certain metaphors, symbols, etc. embodying certain ideologies to normalize their perception of the soul of Egypt. Normalization: The discursive process by which conflict actors present their identity narrative, which aims to portray that the majority is aware and agrees with the presented information. Salaf: Relating to the first three generations of Muslims (i.e., the generations of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and his companions, their successors, and the successors of those successors). Shura Council: The upper house of the formerly bicameral parliament of Egypt. Sharia, Sharia law, or Islamic law: The religious law derived from the religious precepts of Islam, the holy book (the Qur’an) and the narrations of the prophet Muhammad, the Hadith. Sharia refers to God’s immutable divine law and is contrasted with fiqh, which is its human scholarly interpretations. The manner of its application in modern times has been a subject of dispute between Muslim traditionalists and reformists. Soul of Egypt: A term used in this thesis to reference the national identity of Egypt because it denotes that national identity is a given—an “ordained” identity by God, history, or common sense. Sub-narrative: A narrative that describes individuals promoting a similar national ideology. Tarboosh: A short, cylindrical, peakless headdress or hat made of kilim fabric, usually red, and sometimes with a tassel attached to the top. The tarboosh owes much of its development and popularity to the Ottoman era, and is worn especially by Muslim men throughout the Eastern Mediterranean region. COMPETING NARRATIVES 1 Chapter 1 Introduction This thesis is an investigation of the events unfolding in Egypt between 2011 and 2014. These events commence with a people driven revolt against ex-military president Hosni Mubarak in particular, and against military rule in general. My interest in writing a thesis about this Egyptian revolution arose when I learned that in June of 2014 the military had returned to the ruling chair under the leadership of another military general, General Abdel-Fatah Al-Sisi. I instigated my research by reviewing accounts of the events between 2011 and 2014 and instantly noted that a center stage point of contention was the conflicting views on the definition of Egyptian national identity. Yet, what deepened my interest in the study were the destructive communicative patterns utilized by the participants, which often transformed dialogue into debates and debates into violent conflicts. This particular observation triggered me to pose the following research question: How does communication between the narratives shaping the events unfolding in Egypt since the 2011 revolution elucidate the current state of affairs? In this thesis, I argue that the equivocal nature of Egyptian national identity and the exclusivist nature of the nationalistic approaches as communicative means are major components in making the conflict a continuous struggle. Moreover, I reveal that the lack of understanding for these aggravating elements among the parties involved is due to the absence of positive dialogue that may aid in their deconstruction. Furthermore, I explain how psychological layers that begin with postcolonial-trauma and end with sheer distrust are what hinder positive dialogical ventures. I provide a perspective that competes against the local and international community’s concerns with Egypt’s future by providing an COMPETING NARRATIVES 2 account of the bygone history that has led to Egypt’s current national identity predicament. Thus, before delving into the details of the analysis and the arguments I will put forth, certain elements of Egyptian history are essential to underscore. Egyptian history is notably recorded with the Pharaonic period, were dynasties of the pharaohs (A civilization hypothesized by modern mainstream Egyptians as the origin of Egyptian identity) ruled for almost 3000 years until the Achaemenid Persians conquered Egypt and claimed the title of Pharaoh. When Alexander the Great toppled the Persians, Egypt became the center of a Greek culture that tried to gain the respect of its natives by claiming to be heirs to the Pharaohs. Though Greeks took on Pharaonic traditions and portrayed themselves on public tombstones, they faced revolts from the natives that weakened their position, and ultimately caused them to surrender Egypt to Rome (Hoffman, 1979; Midant-Reynes, 2000; Rawlinson & Komroff, 1928; Bowman, 1989). Rome presented Egypt with Christianity, an Egyptian translation of the New Testament, and the establishment of the Egyptian Coptic Church of Alexandria. With the Church recognized as second in honor to the Church of Rome, Christianity spread to constitute the majority of Egypt’s population. However, the Muslim Arab invasion brought Sunni Islam with a Cairo-based Islamic caliphate that remained in control for six centuries. After 600 years of Islamic ruling, Egypt continued to carry its Islamic identity through a Turkish Ottoman Empire lens. During those years, the indigenous population experienced a French invasion in 1798 led by Napoleon, which was dislodged by Ottoman Albanian commander Muhammad Ali, who eventually betrayed the Ottomans and seized Egypt for himself (“The Napoleonic Invasion of Egypt,” n.d.; Bowman, 1989). COMPETING NARRATIVES 3 During the final years of Muhammad Ali’s successors, Britain colonized Egypt, further exposing its people to additional modern Western identities. With Britain’s presence, Ali’s heirs remained symbolically in power while the British took control of Egypt’s political affairs (Bowman, 1989). In 1919, backlashing at the British for exiling an Egyptian liberal revolutionary, Egyptians held mass demonstration demanding a parting from colonial and Ottoman occupation (Bisgaard-Church, 2011). The revolts concluded with Egypt’s partial separation from the British and the first 19 century Egyptian constitution, both giving Egyptians some ruling power. In 1952, due to growing 

/pdf/competing-narratives-the-struggle-for-the-soul-of-egypt-3t3e1xximp.pdf

Competing Narratives: the Struggle for the Soul of Egypt

The Spirit of Bandung

The purpose of this essay is an examination of some of the fruits of Nasserism, both as a source of particular policies and choices throughout Nasser's political career and as a legacy which impinges upon political choices in post-Nasser Egyptian and Arab politics. While seeking to illuminate the positions and argumentations of the proponents and detractors of the man and his policies, the essay is not intended to arrive at a final and simple judgement concerning Nasserism and its achievements and shortcomings. Given the mixed nature of Nasserism, any such effort is futile and more the domain of legitimate political partisanship and activism rather than that of critical analysis. While the faithful may point to his advocacy of Arab nationalism and his commitment to the welfare of the Egyptian masses, critics are not without an abundance of setbacks to dwell upon: the Yemeni fiasco, which was dubbed Nasser's Vietnam; his many regional quarrels, which consumed his resources and attention; his failure to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict; the performance of his armies in 1956 and 1967; the failure of his agrarian reform; and his inability to create a durable and viable base of power and legitimacy outside the sheer impact of his charisma. Almost two decades of Nasserist rule did not eradicate the eternal problem of Egyptian poverty and scarcity, and one of his dreams, ambitious in the Egyptian context, of making meat a regular feature of the Egyptian diet, never materialized. It remains a treat for special occassions and holidays. On a different track, his record is equally dismal. As an attempt at ideological change and transformation Nasserism was abortive and the new society that he claimed to be his goal has yet to be built. The feudalistic structure that he inherited may have been weakened, but the cultural bias in favor of class, privilege and status that has always been a part of Egyptian culture is largely intact. New masters have replaced the old, but the masses remain submissive and resigned to their lot. A new generation of officers and technocrats came to power at the expence of landed feudal aristocracy, but the hierarchical vision of the world and the deference toward power and its symbols are still the dominant features of the Egyptian political landscape.1 He flirted with socialism, but in such a context it never really had much of a chance. He tried to undermine tradition, but still had so much reverence for it that his attack did not have sufficient impact and although here and there some dents can be seen, as a whole it is alive and doing quite well. He felt the power of Islamic institutions and values and tried to undermine them in favor of secular schemes, but at best he was only semi-secular himself. In the end, what obtained in Egypt was a compromise between Islamic tradition and Nasserist ideology. An equipoise was arrived at, and Nasser and his leading intellectuals could point to their socialist blueprint as a synthesis of socialism, Islam, and Arab nationalism. An insightful study by Morroe Berger found no serious opposition to Islam on the part of the regime but an attempt to use it 'to buttress nationalism, socialism, and the one-party popular democracy'.2 Quite suggestive indeed is Berger's further assertion that the conditions in Nasser's Egypt may have enhanced rather than weakened the position of religion: 'In such conditions of rapid political change, stress, unachieved goals and denial of Review article

Fouad Ajami

Papers

On Nasser and His Legacy