1. The argument 2. Ethnic cleansing in former times 3. Two versions of 'we, the people' 4. Genocidal democracies in the New World 5. Armenia, I: into the danger zone 6. Armenia, II: genocide 7. Nazis, I: radicalization 8. Nazis, II: fifteen hundred perpetrators 9. Nazis, III: genocidal careers 10. Germany's allies and auxiliaries 11. Communist cleansing: Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot 12. Yugoslavia, I: into the danger zone 13. Yugoslavia, II: murderous cleansing 14. Rwanda, I: into the danger zone 15. Rwanda, II: genocide 16. Counterfactual cases: India and Indonesia 17. Combating ethnic cleansing in the world today.

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The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing

What drives politics in dictatorships? Milan W. Svolik argues authoritarian regimes must resolve two fundamental conflicts. Dictators face threats from the masses over which they rule - the problem of authoritarian control. Secondly from the elites with whom dictators rule - the problem of authoritarian power-sharing. Using the tools of game theory, Svolik explains why some dictators establish personal autocracy and stay in power for decades; why elsewhere leadership changes are regular and institutionalized, as in contemporary China; why some dictatorships are ruled by soldiers, as Uganda was under Idi Amin; why many authoritarian regimes, such as PRI-era Mexico, maintain regime-sanctioned political parties; and why a country's authoritarian past casts a long shadow over its prospects for democracy, as the unfolding events of the Arab Spring reveal. Svolik complements these and other historical case studies with the statistical analysis on institutions, leaders and ruling coalitions across dictatorships from 1946 to 2008.

/pdf/the-politics-of-authoritarian-rule-2lgqt7kpsr.pdf

The Politics of Authoritarian Rule

Traditional analyses of political liberalization in China focus on elections or other facets of democratization. But they cannot account for the fact that although China remains authoritarian, it is nevertheless responsive to the increasingly diverse demands of Chinese society. I argue that the rules of the policy-making process are still captured by the fragmented authoritarianism framework, but that the process has become increasingly pluralized: barriers to entry have been lowered, at least for certain actors (hitherto peripheral officials, non-governmental organizations and the media) identified here as “policy entrepreneurs.” With policy change as the variable of interest, I compare three cases of hydropower policy outcomes. I argue that policy entrepreneurs' ability to frame the issue effectively explains variation in hydropower policy outcomes. I then extend these findings to an unlikely policy area, international trade, specifically, the 2001–06 Sino-EU trade talks over child-resistant lighter safety regulations.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0305741009990592

“Fragmented Authoritarianism 2.0”: Political Pluralization in the Chinese Policy Process*

The European Miracle: Environments, Economies, and Geopolitics in the History of Europe and Asia.

Perhaps no one in the twentieth century had a greater long-term impact on world history than Deng Xiaoping. And no scholar of contemporary East Asian history and culture is better qualified than Ezra Vogel to disentangle the many contradictions embodied in the life and legacy of China's boldest strategist. Once described by Mao Zedong as a "needle inside a ball of cotton," Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China's radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao's cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China's growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at Tiananmen Square. Deng's youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China's preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao--and he did not hesitate.

Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China

Establishment and consolidation of the new regime

Ssu-ch'ing: the socialist education movement of 1962-1966

Ten American and Japanese specialists offer a comprehensive analysis of one of the most dramatic developments in Asia today: the re-emergence of Vietnam - not as the belligerent champion of a militant ideology and socialist cause, but as an open, friendly country seeking a respected place in the world community. Basing their observations on five years of study, visits to Vietnam, and numerous interviews with knowledgeable officials, scholars and businessmen there and in the United States and Japan, the authors evaluate the political, ecnomic, social and foreign policy changes that have been taking place in Vietnam over the past decade, trace the responses of the United States and Japan and offer a policy prescription for responding to the challenges of the future.

China's road to disaster : Mao, central politicians, and provincial leaders in the unfolding of the great leap forward, 1955-1959

In my contribution to this journal's previous symposium on elite politics more than five years ago, I argued that the post-Mao period had seen an evolution toward "normal politics".3 This transition has gathered apace in the intervening period, in no small measure due to the passing of Deng Xiaoping, but more fundamentally to the quickening of the enormous changes in the polity and society that his policies have produced. Yet distinctive, and disconcerting, Chinese characteristics remain. What is the essence of "normal politics"? Most fundamentally, it means that political leaders at the apex of an at least partially institutionalized system are beset with an enormous range of issues and pressures, without any dogmatic

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3182368.pdf

Normal Politics with Chinese Characteristics

This bibliography is the only source for citations to North American scholarship on Eastern and Central Europe, the Balkans, the Baltic States, and the former Soviet Union.

Frederick C. Teiwes

Papers

Establishment and consolidation of the new regime

Ssu-ch'ing: the socialist education movement of 1962-1966

China's road to disaster : Mao, central politicians, and provincial leaders in the unfolding of the great leap forward, 1955-1959

Normal Politics with Chinese Characteristics

Leadership, Legitimacy, and Conflict in China: From a Charismatic Mao to the Politics of Succession